Ilocano Men And Masculinity Analysis
Angeles’ (2001) framework of power in households strengthen other scholars’ conception of the male identity in the domestic sphere. Household men provide “material care” to their families (Parreñas 2006, 117) as primary breadwinners (Angeles 2001; Gamburd 2000; Hoang and Yeoh 2011; McKay 2015; Pingol 2000, 2001). As “pillars of their homes”, they provide protection and ensure discipline among their children (Hoang and Yeoh 2011; Parreñas 2006). As husbands, they are virile partners (Angeles 2001; Pingol 2000, 2001). Categorizations do not denote distinct spheres; they may overlap and contradict each other (Hoang and Yeoh 2011). Nonetheless, Pingol’s (2000, 2001) Ilocano men show that masculinity may be perceived negatively. Contrary to being
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When their wives leave, men are faced with the challenge of adapting to changes in traditional gendered roles. According to Pingol (2000, 2001), Ilocano men are often overwhelmed by the sheer amount of relentless work since they take over the role of mothers while they are away. The results regarding household work vary. Some readily accept the changes while some dissociate themselves or relegate the responsibilities to someone else (Angeles 2001; Hoang and Yeoh 2011; Nagasaki 2016; Parreñas 2005; Pingol 2000, 2001). Reasons for adapting to or rejecting these changes varies. Hoang and Yeoh (2011)’s men depict the performance of household work as part of their duty as responsible fathers. Others however, conceive doing household work because there is no alternative (Parreñas 2005). Some consider the dominance between them and their spouses; as long as husbands maintain authority over the household, men will be more likely to acknowledge their spouses’ financial contribution (Parreñas 2005). However, not all rely on their wives’ remittances. They try to maintain financially afloat through side jobs (Pingol 2001); they utilize their wives’ income only for their children’s expenses (Cappelloni 2011). Huang and Yeoh (2011) explain that employment is a mechanism to preserve their elevated, pre-migration
When their wives leave, men are faced with the challenge of adapting to changes in traditional gendered roles. According to Pingol (2000, 2001), Ilocano men are often overwhelmed by the sheer amount of relentless work since they take over the role of mothers while they are away. The results regarding household work vary. Some readily accept the changes while some dissociate themselves or relegate the responsibilities to someone else (Angeles 2001; Hoang and Yeoh 2011; Nagasaki 2016; Parreñas 2005; Pingol 2000, 2001). Reasons for adapting to or rejecting these changes varies. Hoang and Yeoh (2011)’s men depict the performance of household work as part of their duty as responsible fathers. Others however, conceive doing household work because there is no alternative (Parreñas 2005). Some consider the dominance between them and their spouses; as long as husbands maintain authority over the household, men will be more likely to acknowledge their spouses’ financial contribution (Parreñas 2005). However, not all rely on their wives’ remittances. They try to maintain financially afloat through side jobs (Pingol 2001); they utilize their wives’ income only for their children’s expenses (Cappelloni 2011). Huang and Yeoh (2011) explain that employment is a mechanism to preserve their elevated, pre-migration