Debating Muslim Political Representation
Debating Muslim political representation
HILAL AHMED
THE political representation of Indian Muslims, one of the most contested political questions in postcolonial India, has become very relevant in recent years primarily because of two important, yet distinct, reasons. The publication of the Sachar Committee report (The report of the Prime Minister’s High Level Committee on Social, Economic and Educational Status of Muslims in India – PMHLC 2006) is the first reason behind the apparent revival of this debate.
Although, the Sachar Committee was not asked to collect data/information on the ‘political backwardness’ of Indian Muslims, the main finding of the report and its various recommendations establish a clear link between various forms of Muslim backwardness and the discourse of political representation. In examining the question of political empowerment of Muslims the committee underlines the problems with the present delimitation of parliamentary and assembly constituencies as a result of which Muslims do not have adequate political representation in legislative bodies.
The post-Babri Masjid Muslim political discourse in India also plays a crucial role in re-conceptualising the idea of Muslim political representation. This new kind of Muslim politics goes beyond the conventional Muslim political concerns – protection of Urdu, minority character of the Aligarh Muslim University, protection of Muslim Personal Law, and the protection of wakf – by challenging the notion of a single homogeneous Indian Muslim community. The demand for caste-based reservation for Muslim Dalits and OBCs and the formation of the Muslim Women’s Personal Law Board are two revealing examples of this new radical Muslim politics.1 Such claims seem to suggest that the notion of ‘Muslim representation’ needs to be examined critically, particularly from the perspective of marginalized Muslim groups.
These recent developments have changed the nature of debate on Muslim political
HILAL AHMED
THE political representation of Indian Muslims, one of the most contested political questions in postcolonial India, has become very relevant in recent years primarily because of two important, yet distinct, reasons. The publication of the Sachar Committee report (The report of the Prime Minister’s High Level Committee on Social, Economic and Educational Status of Muslims in India – PMHLC 2006) is the first reason behind the apparent revival of this debate.
Although, the Sachar Committee was not asked to collect data/information on the ‘political backwardness’ of Indian Muslims, the main finding of the report and its various recommendations establish a clear link between various forms of Muslim backwardness and the discourse of political representation. In examining the question of political empowerment of Muslims the committee underlines the problems with the present delimitation of parliamentary and assembly constituencies as a result of which Muslims do not have adequate political representation in legislative bodies.
The post-Babri Masjid Muslim political discourse in India also plays a crucial role in re-conceptualising the idea of Muslim political representation. This new kind of Muslim politics goes beyond the conventional Muslim political concerns – protection of Urdu, minority character of the Aligarh Muslim University, protection of Muslim Personal Law, and the protection of wakf – by challenging the notion of a single homogeneous Indian Muslim community. The demand for caste-based reservation for Muslim Dalits and OBCs and the formation of the Muslim Women’s Personal Law Board are two revealing examples of this new radical Muslim politics.1 Such claims seem to suggest that the notion of ‘Muslim representation’ needs to be examined critically, particularly from the perspective of marginalized Muslim groups.
These recent developments have changed the nature of debate on Muslim political
References: Hilal Ahmed, Politics of Monuments and Memory in Postcolonial North India: A Study of Muslim Political Discourse on Jama Masjid and Babri Masjid. Unpublished dissertation. University of London, 2007. Rajeev Bhargava, What is Secularism For? In Rajeev Bhargava (ed.), Secularism and its Critics, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1998. Stacey Burlet, Gender Relations, ‘Hindu Nationalism’ and the NGO Responses in India. In Sweetman Caroline (ed.), Gender, Religion and Spirituality, Oxford, Oxfam, 1999. Prime Minister’s High Level Committee, Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community of India, Government of India, 2006. Francis Robinson, James Origin, E. William and Subroto Roy (eds.), Foundation of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, Sage, New Delhi, 1992. Anil Sadgopal and Shayam Bahadur Namr, Sangharsh Aur Nirman: Shahid Shankar Guha Niyogi aur Unka Naye Bharat Ka Sapna (Hindi), Rajkamal, Delhi, 1993. Moin Shakir, Islam in Indian Politics, Ajanta Publication, Delhi, 1983. Yoginder Sikand, Indian Muslims Since 1947: Islamic Perspectives on Inter-Faith Relations, Routledge Curzon, London and New York, 2004. Khan 2004, Int.: Interview with Khan Abdul Wadud Khan, Ex-Member of Legislative Council, Uttar Pradesh, 1984-1990, Ex-Wakf officer, Delhi Wakf Board, Delhi, 27 January 2004.