Women Post Ww2 Analysis
Post World War 2, there have been more positive and permanent changes in women’s political roles than most would believe possible at the time. Canadian women’s roles have evolved quite rapidly after the war in 1939 by becoming an integral part in society, regarding jobs and activities that most people back in the day would consider them to be for men only. Although in the 1940’s women still did not have as many rights and freedoms as women now have in modern day societies, there was still a semblance of change that was going on with the rights, roles and responsibilities concerning women. Women’s rights were still being developed at the time and a few of the most major accomplishments were giving women the right to vote, the right to run for
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Suffragists were astonished by the margin of support given to them by the all-male Commons. There was no guarantee that the bill would be passed, as government whips were not used in the vote. Suffragists were encouraged to contact their Member’s of Parliament to support the bill to ensure that it was passed. The day that the vote was taken in the House of Commons, members of the National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies made sure that any known supporters of the bill did not leave the House until the vote had been taken. The strategy that the Suffragists used was important when the size of the support of the bill was taken into account. The huge majority of the 330 votes were to play an important part when it came to the bill moving to the House of Lords (Famous Canadian Women’s). The House of Commons was also very appreciative of the work that women had done in World War 1 so it is assumed that the House of Commons were in favour of supporting the bill (Pierson 48). The work done by women during the war by working the jobs men had left open was vital but its importance to the passing of the bill may have been overstated. Historians such as Martin Pugh believed that the vote in favour of female suffrage was just a continuation of the way the issue had been moving before the war had started back in 1914 (Famous Canadian Women’s). In 1911 there had been a similar vote to the one in 1917 and of the 194 Members of Parliament who voted for the both bills, only 22 had changed their stance: 14 had changed to being in favour of female suffrage and 4 changed from being for female suffrage in 1911 to being against it in 1917 (World War One). This leaves a difference of only 14 - a long way off of the 330 majorities of 1917. Therefore, it seems more likely that the direction Parliament seemed to be
Suffragists were astonished by the margin of support given to them by the all-male Commons. There was no guarantee that the bill would be passed, as government whips were not used in the vote. Suffragists were encouraged to contact their Member’s of Parliament to support the bill to ensure that it was passed. The day that the vote was taken in the House of Commons, members of the National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies made sure that any known supporters of the bill did not leave the House until the vote had been taken. The strategy that the Suffragists used was important when the size of the support of the bill was taken into account. The huge majority of the 330 votes were to play an important part when it came to the bill moving to the House of Lords (Famous Canadian Women’s). The House of Commons was also very appreciative of the work that women had done in World War 1 so it is assumed that the House of Commons were in favour of supporting the bill (Pierson 48). The work done by women during the war by working the jobs men had left open was vital but its importance to the passing of the bill may have been overstated. Historians such as Martin Pugh believed that the vote in favour of female suffrage was just a continuation of the way the issue had been moving before the war had started back in 1914 (Famous Canadian Women’s). In 1911 there had been a similar vote to the one in 1917 and of the 194 Members of Parliament who voted for the both bills, only 22 had changed their stance: 14 had changed to being in favour of female suffrage and 4 changed from being for female suffrage in 1911 to being against it in 1917 (World War One). This leaves a difference of only 14 - a long way off of the 330 majorities of 1917. Therefore, it seems more likely that the direction Parliament seemed to be