Colonialism Vs Neocolonialism

“It is the human capacity to extend and limit compassion that gives racial ideology its fatal power, making identity into a knife that severs social relations and disembowels entire countries” (Hintjens, 2001). The history of colonialism, more specifically within Africa, has illustrated the fatal power of ethnic manipulation that Dr. Hintjens referred to. Neocolonialism impedes on both the sovereignty and the right of these post-colonial regimes to self-determination, as it has rendered it reasonably impossible for them to develop their government infrastructure (Janzer et. al. 2015). The exploitation, and often fabrication of ethnic identity by Western powers has led to a lack of nation building within contemporary African states. Though
Consequently, the dynamic characteristic of ethnicity augments its susceptibility to external influence and manipulation. Had ethnicity been an unvarying concept, external influences would not have much affect on its identity, henceforth inhibiting its capacity to be corrupted (Hale 2004). Ethnic competition theory further elaborates by emphasizing the “function of resource competition as the rationale for ethnic group formation, inter-ethnic clashes, and the crystallization of ethnic and political movements” (Udogu, 1999). This paper will affirm developed countries’ apparent use of the ‘divide and rule’ domination technique, in which ethnic identities are manipulated to maintain instability, in order to decisively preclude the development of African societies due to their own geopolitical and economic interests. Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) will be utilized as case studies to elucidate the significant impact that the polarization of ethnic divides has had on the political and economic infrastructure that are pertinent to their development. This paper will also explore the history of the colonization of both of these nations, in order to reaffirm its everlasting and modern implications with regards to their
Subsequently, the Belgian administration began to exploit the hierarchical structure within Rwanda to instill their indirect rule. Rwanda’s population of approximately 7 million is broken down into three main ethnic groups: the Hutu, the Tutsi, and the Twa. The largest of the ethnic groups, the Hutu, comprise nearly 85% of the nation’s population (Storey,1999). In order to uphold their authority as a colonizing power, the Belgians initiated the polarization of the ethnic dichotomies through their efficient use of propaganda and social infrastructure. Differences amongst the Tutsis and Hutus, with regards to their facial structure and overall height, were henceforth exploited (Buckley-Zistel, 2006). Identification cards were employed in 1933 to indicate the racial origin of a Rwandan citizen, which would also distinctively indicate their social status (Hintjens, 2001). “Whatever fluidity existed in the system was greatly restricted as a system of ethnic identity cards was introduced and ethnicity thus became a strict patrilineal inherited characteristic” (Storey,1999). The Tutsi, with their ostensibly physical resemblance to the Europeans, were deemed to be a superior race. The Hamitic Hypothesis, which argues that the Hamitic race is inherently superior to the otherwise negroid population, was