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Louisiana purchase

By whitiwhiti Feb 27, 2014 9109 Words
When the Ends Justify the Means: Thomas Jefferson and the Louisiana Purchase Author(s): Barry J. Balleck
Source: Presidential Studies Quarterly, Vol. 22, No. 4, America's Bill of Rights, Market Economies And Republican Governments (Fall, 1992), pp. 679-696 Published by: Wiley on behalf of the Center for the Study of the Presidency and Congress Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27551031 .

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When

the Ends Justify

Thomas

BARRY
Doctoral

the Louisiana

and

Jefferson

the Means:
Purchase

J. BALLECK
Candidate

Brigham Young University

Abstract
The

Louisiana

Purchase

was

the single greatest achievement of
undoubtedly
seen
critics have
Louisiana
Jefferson's purchase of

Thomas Jefferson's presidency. Yet many
as a "sell out"
most cherished
strict constructionism.
rights and
of his
political principles?states'
This paper argues thatJefferson desired to achieve a greater end in the case of the Louisiana in the United States. Thus,
the survival of Republican government
Purchase?i.e.,
Jefferson
on the means
relented
rights and
for achieving Republican government?states'
temporarily
strict constructionism ?in
order to take advantage of an extraordinary opportunity to secure the ends of Republicanism.
Louisiana

The
States. By
potential
America.
Purchase

Purchase

was

a watershed

event

this one act the size of the nation was more

in the history of the United
than doubled and a formidable

actors in North
the major
removed
from among
enemy?France?was
More
than simply a coup for the United
the Louisiana
States, however,
was the greatest achievement
the
of Thomas
Jefferson's presidency. With

to the patrimony
of the United
of this virgin
States, Jefferson
territory
to come," a necessary guar
if not centuries
for the nation "for generations,
antor of
and commercial
Jefferson felt
expansion.1 Moreover,
Republicanism?landed
ensure the
nature of the United
States
that the purchase of Louisiana would
pastoral
had befallen classical Republican
which
and forestall the degeneration
governments.
addition
secured

Jefferson was
of a virtuous

confident

that the Louisiana

territory would

promote

the development

citizenry.
Republican
called into
In purchasing
the Louisiana
Thomas
Jefferson
territory, however,
a strict constitutional
was
He
convictions.
his most
cherished
question
political
as
and a strong supporter of states' rights. The former position, constructionist
meant
has no powers
the general government
that "...
understood
by Jefferson,
as Jefferson's
it. . . ."2 The latter position,
has given
but such as the constitution
was "a
was
points out,
deeply inbred in Jefferson. He
biographer Dumas Malone
before he became anything
else, and he never ceased to be one."3 Yet by
Virginian
to both
and to
strict constructionism
adherence
Louisiana,
Jefferson's
purchasing
the purchase
states' rights were called into question. As John Quincy Adams wrote, of implied power greater in itself and more
entailed "an assumption
of Louisiana

679

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680

I

PRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY

in the
in its consequence,
than all the assumptions
of implied power
comprehensive
and Adams Administrations
twelve years of theWashington
put together."4 Echoing
was the
this criticism, Henry Adams
added, "The principle of strict constructionism

breath of his [Jefferson's]political life.The Pope could as easily triflewith the doctrine of apostolic succession as Jefferson with
the limits of Executive
then,
power."5 Why,
an act that he understood
to
to be contrary
did Jefferson undertake
purchase Louisiana,
to the
of strict constructionism
and states' rights?
principles
to recognize
it is important
In answering
the underlying
convic
this question,
tion that directed all of Jefferson's
For Jefferson
and
actions?i.e.,
Republicanism.
was the only form of government
suitable
many of his contemporaries,
Republicanism
to the United
a

of time was

States. However,
worst
republic's

as historical
as

the passage
republics had demonstrated,
led to
and urbanization
growth
eventually

enemy
could
power and societal decay. Republican
government
governmental
an
thus only survive in
of limited government
and in a society of virtuous
atmosphere
citizens. As such, Republicanism
and moral
relied on the aid of selected defenses
aimed at forestalling
decay. In general, Jefferson believed that states' rights and strict

centralized

constructionism

that time would
such defenses,
though he understood
provided
wear
them away.
inevitably
in this light, the Louisiana Purchase was a case of the ends justifying Understood
the means;
that is, in order to secure the desired end of Republicanism, Jefferson
set aside its most
and strict con
guarantors ?states'
temporarily
dependable
rights

a time outside
the bounds of the Constitution.
This
stepping for
structionism?by
was necessary
in order to
of the standard defenses of Republicanism
abandonment
?
that provided
for the long-term
grasp an opportunity
security of Republicanism
in this case the new frontiers provided
secured,
territory. Once
by the Louisiana
to the normal

of Republicanism
provided by state's
Adams
noted in this regard, Jefferson
rights
even
believed that "in the hands of true Republicans
the constitution,
though violated,
was on the whole
was
safe; the precedent,
though alarming
exceptional."6
Other writers
have recognized
in the case of the Louisiana
Jefferson's dilemma
an excellent
of
Purchase. Drew McCoy
discussion
(1980), for example,
provided
returned

Jefferson

and strict constructionism.

protection
As Henry

ideals and suggests
that they directly
influenced his decision
Jefferson's Republican
to
the Louisiana
and David Hendrickson
Robert
Tucker
territory.
purchase
(1990)
also suggest that in the case of Louisiana Jefferson sacrificed his constitutional scruples
in order to achieve his end of an "Empire of Liberty."
of these works,
Neither
?
abandonment
states'
of his traditional means
however,
adequately relate Jefferson's
rights

and strict constructionism
This

paper will

Louisiana

?to

his end?Republicanism.
in his purchase of the
that Jefferson was consistent
there was no "sell out" of his political
ideals. In the first

demonstrate

territory?that
states' rights and strict constructionist
of Jefferson's
part of this paper, an examination
so that we can understand
views will be undertaken
why charges that he had aban
doned his political principles were
leveled against him in the wake of the Louisiana

Purchase.
alism

Jefferson's

and political

and theories of individu
and his principles
views,
Republican
also provide crucial insights into his motivations
economy, will

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JEFFERSONAND THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE | 681

the Louisiana
for purchasing
territory. The paper will then examine specific criticisms
own
of the Louisiana
Purchase
and Jefferson's
about the treaty. It will
misgivings
that Jefferson was not the only proponent
be shown
of states' rights and strict
to compromise
constructionism
his principles.
Indeed, many prominent
Jeffersonians
in the administration
both
and outside
its
the Purchase,
of it supported
despite
seeming violation of states' rights and strict constructionism. Finally, itwill be shown
case of Louisiana was
to
that Jefferson's
action in the
justified by what he perceived
be a higher good?Republicanism.
to this
Given his commitment
states' rights and strict constructionism
principle,
were

to an end.

the means which
under ordinary
Indeed, they were
could be been as the chief bulwarks of Republicanism.
extraordi
Under
to double the size
circumstances ?and
there is no doubt that the opportunity
nary
these bulwarks might
of the country was extraordinary?even
have to be set aside
means

merely
circumstances

an

to seize

opportunity
seized otherwise.
Thus,
the ends.

that might
by

sacrificing

not

present
the means,

itself

again

Jefferson

and that could
was

not

be

able to accomplish

as a JefFersonian
Ideal
Rights
ideas on states' rights were most clearly set forth in the Kentucky Jefferson's
of 1799. In these resolutions,
Jefferson argued that the union was merely
states. As such, certain powers
had been delegated
the several
among
States'

Resolutions

a compact
to the central

states
exclusively
by the
be to make
would
"My general plan
and several as to
the States one as to everything
connected with
foreign nations,
In other words,
domestic."7
Jefferson believed that the central government
everything
retain
the states would
control over foreign affairs whereas
should have exclusive
themselves.

control

government
Jefferson wrote

in all domestic

clearly limited
of the national

whereas

others were

retained

in this connection:

as a document which
Again,
seeing the Constitution
asserted that acts
of the national government,
Jefferson
stated powers were
the explicitly
which went
beyond

matters.

the powers

government
since the states had not contracted
void, and of no force."8 Thus,
"unconstitutional,
to create an ultimate
each state had "an equal right to
arbiter in the Constitution,
as of the mode
as well of the infractions
and measure
of redress."9
judge for itself,
in concert with James Madison
the Kentucky
Resolutions,
Jefferson had written
as a response to the Adams
administration's
and John Breckinridge,
passage of the
these laws if not repealed posed a direct threat
Alien and Sedition Laws. To Jefferson,
toWilson
to
and John
intimated
of Virginia
As Jefferson
Nicholas
Republicanism.
was
the
the end, states-rights was
"If Republicanism
of Kentucky,
Breckinridge
to ignite
In drawing up the Kentucky
means."10
then, Jefferson hoped
Resolutions,
a broad protest
similar to the
the states against the national
government,
among
protest against Britain. The hope, of course, was to stem the tide of what to extend
saw as the
the power of
of the Federalists
Jefferson
attempts
pernicious
and enhance the power of the Executive.
the federal government
colonies'

Hence,
Jefferson's

is understandable
tone of the Kentucky
Resolutions
given
as the protectors
He even went
of Republicanism.
for the states

the harsh
passion

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682

I

PRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY

so far in the
as to suggest that immediate
Regulations
course of action for the states:
the best

or resistance was

nullification

. . .where

are assumed which
a nullification
have not been delegated,
powers
of the act is the rightful remedy:
that every State has a natural right in cases
not within
to
own authority
the compact,
all assumptions
of
nullify of their
others within
this right, they would
be
their limits: that without
power by
absolute and unlimited,
exercise this right
under dominion,
of whosoever
might
for them . . . that these and successive acts of the same character, of judgment
unless arrested at the threshold,
drive these States into revolution
necessarily
and
and blood, and will furnish new calumnies
against republican government,
new pretexts for those who wish
but by a rod of iron. . . .n
the Kentucky

Though

legislature

to be believed

omitted

it did,
notion

the Virginia
together with
legislature,
to Jefferson's
of states' rights. Much

tures

elsewhere

either

Strict

John Adams

flowed

of nullification

be governed

or resistance,

pass resolutions

for the presidency

in 1800.

as a Jeffersonian
Ideal
that much of Jefferson's
stand on
as a document
from his view of the Constitution
limiting central
In fact, it is clear that states' rights and strict constructionism Constructionism

Constitutional

It is evident
states rights

cannot

Jefferson's
incorporating
state legisla
however,
disappointment,
or
of course,
the Resolutions.
This,
ignored
repudiated
was under attack and solidified his
belief that Republicanism

Jefferson's
to run against

strengthened
determination

mention

that aman

from

the above discussion

power.
government
in Jefferson's
hand-in-hand
go
political
ideology.
was
When
the Constitution
being framed

in 1787, Jefferson was
the United
States minister
his close friend and fellow Virginian,
James Madison,
kept
the new Constitution.
him apprised of the proceedings
and the debate surrounding
a
the Anti-Federalists
Jefferson,
though certainly
sympathizer with
during the ratifica
as it was
tion debate, had only two important
reservations
about the Constitution
were
to be reelected
the president
framed. These
(1) the clause allowing
originally
and (2) the absence of a bill of rights. On the first issue Jefferson stated
indefinitely
to
but as to the second, he could envision no compromise.
his willingness
compromise,
to protect
He felt that a bill of rights was essential
individual
liberty. This view
to France.

from Jefferson's fear of centralized power and from his belief that individual not explicitly
As Jefferson
stated might be denied by some future government.
rights
awise and
saw it, "the sum of good government
shall
which
[is]
frugal government,
shall leave them otherwise
restrain men from injuring one another, which
free to
stemmed

their own pursuits of industry and improvement,
and shall not take from
regulate
the mouth
of labor the bread it has earned."12
the ideal government
for Jefferson was one which
Thus,
kept law and order

but otherwise did not interferewith
would

secure

of the national

individual
government

the rights of the individual. A bill of rights

and keep in place the limited and defined powers
accorded it by the Constitution.
Government
thus
would

liberties

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JEFFERSONAND THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE | 683

to function
in its defined realm. As it was written,
the Constitution
only be allowed
met Jefferson's
to assume unto
but once government
itself more
criteria,
began
was
was
enumerated
in the Constitution,
than
the government
power
explicitly
and ripe for overthrow.
unconstitutional,
illegitimate,
As Secretary of State during the firstWashington
administration,
Jefferson was
with his worst nightmare.
In early February
Hamilton
Alexander
1791,
his bill proposing
charter a private
laid before Congress
that the national government
their
bank. Jefferson held that the proposed bank threatened
those who
toiled with
confronted

a
It established
hands and lived by the sweat of their brows.
public debt which would
be carried by unborn generations
but would be owned by the few, thereby establishing
a
bond between
the national government
and the rich and well-to-do.
dangerous
was a limited
to hold that the Constitution
For Jefferson's part, he continued
had no other powers than those specified
and that the national government
in the Constitution.
in the Constitution
of any
since there was no mention
Thus,
not have that power. "Any other
erect a bank, the national government
did
power to
leave the door wide open
construction,"
Jefferson and his supporters argued, "would
on the
to ever-increasing
of
encroachments
the general government
sovereignties
by
course that must
the States ?a
end in monarchy
and tyranny."13
inevitably
to render an opinion
As Secretary of State, Jefferson was asked by Washington
on the Tenth Amendment
to the Consti
on the
proposed bank. Basing his argument
tution, Jefferson wrote:
instrument

as laid on this
that
I consider
the foundation
of the Constitution
ground:
nor
to the United
the Constitution,
"all powers not delegated
States, by
prohib
ited by it to the States, are reserved to the States or to the people." To take a
the boundaries
thus specially drawn around the powers of
single step beyond
is to take possession
field of power, no longer suscep
of a boundless
Congress,
tible of any definition.
The incorporation
of a bank,
in my opinion,
been delegated

and the powers assumed by this bill, have not,
to the United
States by the Constitution.14

a feud between Jefferson and Hamilton
that was to last the remainder
began
and the Federalists
the evil beyond Hamilton
of their lives. For Jefferson,
however,
men and merchants.
was their supporters ?the moneyed
Members
of these groups,
in a national bank, would naturally
who undoubtedly
would be the major shareholders
This "hand-in-glove"
the strongest
become
supporters of government.
partnership
Thus

was

almost

certain

to be to the detriment

view
the agriculturalists'
and his supporters itwas
in the form of increased

sure to
intensify
to Jefferson
Thus,

of the small farmer and was

classes as "oppressors."
of the moneyed
have to pay the piper
the people of little means "who would
men would
and the moneyed
the speculators
while
taxes,

reap all the profits."15
convictions,
then, clearly were on the side of the laborer and the
Jefferson's
States become
small farmer on the bank issue. He did not desire to see the United His
strict interpretation
a society controlled
of the
by the rich and well-to-do.
to believe that "'not only would
creation of a bank breach
the
Constitution
led him

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684

PRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY

I

it would
the limits of the Constitution;
also . . . break down the most
ancient and
as those
fundamental
laws of the several states,'
such
fraud,
against monopoly,
on states'
and alienage."16 Thus, whereas
mortmain,
Jefferson's
rights led
position
him to be a strict constitutional
this stance also led him back to
constructionist,
as will
states' rights. Both of these convictions,
view of Republican
fundamental
government

be shown, followed
from Jefferson's
man.
and Republican

as a Jeffersonian
Ideal
the security of Republican
seemed to depend
government
strict constructionism.
of
After
all, to secure the benefits
upon
to the new nation was
the ultimate
end of government,
and both
Republicanism
secure
states' rights and strict constructionism
would
Republicanism
by restraining
as Jefferson
the power of the national government.
the general
However,
recognized,
states' rights and strict constructionism
could not be expected
protection
provided by
Republicanism
To Jefferson,
states' rights and

to hold

forever. The frontier would
fill up, cities would
and
grow,
eventually
ensue. Therefore,
if at a certain time an unprecedented
societal decay would
general
to extend the
itself? and could
opportunity
period of Republican
stability presented
means
away from the generally
only be grasped by moving
temporarily
appropriate
?one would
for protecting Republicanism
necessarily have to seize the opportunity.
sense
This,
then, was Jefferson's rationale. After all, in the Jeffersonian Republi
canism was much more
it was away of
than simply a form of government.
Indeed,
life that was intensely concerned with
the broader social and moral condition
of the
a virtuous
in advancing
its vitality was paramount
which
country. Thus,
citizenry,
existence of the United
States. At the core of Republicanism
ensured the continued
and an agrarian way of life.
stood two fundamental
pillars: individualism
Individualism
a distinction
In drawing
between Republicans
and Federalists,
Jefferson
that Republicans
consisted
of (1) the entire body of landholders
throughout
the United
in
States, and (2) the body of laborers, not being landholders, whether or the arts.17 Of
concern
was
for Republicans,
the
then,
husbanding
particular
came
or
accorded
the individual which
either landholding
through
independence
honest
labor. As Drew McCoy
of the landless or
out, "the abject dependence
points
to
and factious dissen
laboring poor rendered them vulnerable
bribery, corruption,
a society with
was hardly suited to the
numbers
of these dependents
sion,
large
form."18
Republican
a great measure
Land thus provided
the landholder with
of personal
indepen
not rely on other men, or any man, for his basic existence.
dence. The landholder need
a citizen to
Such independence,
believed,
respon
Republicans
"permitted
participate
noted

the common
sibly in the political process, for it allowed him to pursue spontaneously ?
or
interest of the men ?or
rather than the narrow
the government
public good,
on whom
he depended
for his support."19 Jefferson firmly believed
in this principle.
on the State
In his Notes
he said:
of Virginia,
Those
a chosen

labour

who
people,

whose

in the earth are the chosen
breasts

he has made

people
his peculiar

of God,
deposit

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if ever he had
for substantial

JEFFERSONAND THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE | 685

.
. . While
we have land to labour then, let us never wish
and genuine virtue.
a distaff.20
or
see our citizens
at a workbench,
to
twirling
occupied
was
thus both
Farming
industrious
farmer," he said,

and a virtuous

a noble

to Jefferson.

endeavor

"An

or
amore
political,
occupies
dignified place in the scale of beings, whether moral
on his
a
too proud to work,
and
than
family
lazy lounger, valuing himself
out amiserable
existence by eating on that surplus of other men's labor,
drawing
is the sacred fund of the helpless poor. A pitiful annuity will only prevent which
them from exerting that industry
to a better fortune.21

and those talents which

would

soon lead them

to the development
of a
and its wise use was necessary,
therefore,
Property
this citizenry,
and responsible Republican
committed
citizenry. Moreover,
through
and even mo
and frugality,
its productivity,
would
"promote
industry, population
saw "the most valuable citizens
In short, in landowners Republicans
[for
rality."22
most virtuous
are the most
and they
the most
[sic], the
vigorous,
ind?pendant
they
are tied to their country

and wedded

to its liberty

and interest

by

the most

lasting

bands."23

In like manner

those without

productive

labor, were

Republican

society.

. . .

also believed

Jefferson

nonetheless
landed property, who
engaged
to exhibit
and the virtues
individualism

commented

in
of

that

are wanting
in husbandry:
but, for the
[and] smiths,
. . .
our
remain in Europe.
let
of manufacture,
workshops
general operation
across the Atlantic will be made
The loss by the transportation
of commodities
in happiness
The mobs of great cities add
and permanence
of government.
up
carpenters,

just so much
of the human

masons,

to the support

of pure government,

as sores do

to the strength

body.24

not only farmers,
labored in
extolled
then, but also artisans who
Jefferson
"was especially
Such a reciprocal economy,
Jefferson believed,
support of farmers.
to
virtue and the diffusion of power among the people."25 That
conducive
Republican
to do good.
is, Jefferson never lost his faith in the people or in their propensity into large cities, the people became
He believed,
that when
however,
congregated
to manipulation
by those of the higher classes. In fact, Jefferson often
susceptible
to a pregnant Maria
of rural life over urban life. Writing
of the superiority
in 1790, Jefferson
in Europe
said, "You may make children there, but this
Cosway
to transplant them to. . . .There
is no comparison
is the country
between
the sum
here and there. All the distractions
of your great Cities are but
of happiness enjoyed
and
feathers in the scale against the domestic
enjoiments
[sic] and rural occupations,

wrote

societies we live amidst here."26 Jefferson
always urged that the people
neighborly
remain rural in character as itwas in this state that "the manners and spirit of a people
. . .
soon eats
a
in vigor. A degeneracy
in these is a canker which
preserve
republic
to the heart of its laws and constitutions."27

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686

I

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and Political

Agrarianism

Economy
was
that individualism was at the heart of Republicanism,
why
Accepting
A partial explanation
also emphasized
is suggested
agrarianism
by the Republicans?
to
understand
and the Republicans'
above. However,
Jefferson's
immediately
fully
on

to understand
it is important
their political
economy.
and social dislocations
of the 1780s, it appeared to Jefferson
and others that "old age" was advancing on the United
States far more rapidly than
had ever imagined. The increasing desire on the part of many Americans for
they
and the need to employ
"finer" manufactures
the increasing
labor surplus weighed
on
as more and more
minds
the United
States began to exhibit
heavily
Republican
came to suspect "that the
the degenerative
Some Americans
decay of England.
in which
vision of aRepublican
there would
be no 'labouring
Revolutionary
society
a chi
secure?was
be independent
would
and economically
everyone
poor'?where
some in society
One writer even suggested
that itwas the "inevitable
mera."28
lot" of
a certain
to be poor and "experience
of dependence
and servility."29
degree
to the
This view, of course, did great violence
vision of industrious
Republican
citizens. Moreover
the suggestion
that large-scale manufactures
alleviate unem
might
excess poverty was
true Republicans,
and
like
Indeed,
ployment
equally antithetical.
emphasis
With

agrarianism,
the economic

had long held that household
items produced
?those
manufactures
Jefferson,
by
artisans and craftsmen in their homes or small shops?were
sufficient for the country.

Writing

late in his life, Jefferson said:

within
itself, and is very generally
Every family in the country is amanufactory
to make within
able
itself all the stouter and middling
stuffs for its own
use. . . .The economy and thriftiness
our
and household
clothing
resulting from
are such that
household manufactures
will never be laid aside; and nothing
they
more
us has ever
to our
than the British obstructions
salutary for
happened
demands for their manufactures.
Restore
free intercourse when
their
they will,
commerce with us will have
its form, and their articles we shall
totally changed
in the future want
from them will not exceed their own consumption
of our
produce.30
were
and the Republicans
confident
that the United
States could
Thus,
Jefferson
survive on its cottage industries and its agricultural
The latter, of course,
production.
was
"for a healthy
hence vir
necessary
particularly
society of active, enterprising,
farmers."31
tuous, Republican
To

to secure markets
it was necessary
for
however,
agrarianism,
Failure to do so produced unfavorable
for as the
agricultural
goods.
consequences,
Scottish political
economist
Sir James Steuart warned,
"agricultural
surpluses that
outran the capacity of available markets
to absorb them created a
situation;
dangerous
'for if the whole
be not consumed,
the regorging
will discourage
the industry
plenty
of the farmer.'"32
promote

Jefferson became
in an agrarian nation
but adequate markets

keenly aware, then, that to secure his vision of virtuous citizens to not
an
it was necessary
only have
adequate supply of land
as well. As Drew
out in this
McCoy
points
regard:

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JEFFERSONAND THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE | 687

If agrarian republicans were viable only so long as there was adequate markets to absorb the fruits of their republican
it appeared that the rest of the
industry,
in creating
the conditions
that might
world
had to cooperate
permit America
to remain a simple republic of virtuous farmers. The full employment and moral
on what was
of the mass of Americans
thus depended
integrity
happening
no industrious
it was that simple.33
abroad. No foreign markets,
republicans;
Despite

what

might

be its shortcomings,
Jefferson's belief in agrarianism was
the writings
of Thomas Malthus.
Malthus,
enough,
by

curiously
strengthened,
the theory of population
who popularized
to develop
societies were destined
toward
old age. Malthus
of land available

intimated

to a society,
youth," Malthus

"Perpetual
with "a vast reservoir

indicated that all
pressure on subsistence,
a state of
and
corruption,
overpopulation,
an abundance
that old age might
be postponed
through
not forestall the inevitable?societal
but itwould
decay.

concluded, was impossible for any nation, even a nation
States to remain
of fertile land."34 For one to expect the United

a land of
little poverty
and misery, Malthus
declared, was as reasonable as
relatively
"to prevent a wife or mistress
from growing
old by never exposing
her
expecting
a most
to sun and air."35 "It is, undoubtedly,
Malthus
reflection,"
disheartening
to any
"that the great obstacle in the way
in
concluded,
extraordinary
improvement
is of a nature

that we

can never

to overcome."36
hope
interest. Though
he found Malthus'
theories
Jefferson
great
and of "sound logic," Jefferson nevertheless
"very interesting"
disagreed with Malthus
in America.
that population
would be an immediate problem
The possibility
pressure
society,

read Malthus

with

to virgin territory, Jefferson reasoned, was always available and would of emigration
forestall Malthus'
for many years. The United
States, Jefferson
predictions
argued,
was a notable
to Malthus'
theories for "here," he said,
exception
extent of uncultivated
and fertile lands enables every one, who will
and to raise a family of any size. Our food, then, may
labor, to marry young,
our laborers, and our births, however
increase geometrically
with
multiplied,
become
effective. Again,
there the best distribution
of labor is supposed to be
the immense

so that
hands along side the agricultural;
places the manufacturing
the one part shall feed both, and the other part furnish both with clothes and
that be best here? Egoism
other comforts. Would
and first appearances
say yes.
Or would
it be better that all our laborers should be employed
in agriculture?
...
... we should allow its
In solving this question
to the moral
just weight
over the
and physical preference
of the agricultural,
man.37
manufacturing
that which

saw the United
States as an agricultural
again, Jefferson
paradise where
virtuous
landowners
and laborers could secure for themselves
and their
industrious,
the blessings
of "life, liberty, and the pursuit or happiness."
Jefferson was
posterity
not averse, however,
to padding the agricultural
in the United
advantage he perceived
to hold that a
States. Indeed, he continued
society was the
predominantly
agricultural
best support for Republicanism.
This conviction was to have important
implications
Once

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688

I

PRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY

during Jefferson's presidency,
will now be considered.
The

Louisiana

To

particularly

in the case of the Louisiana

Purchase which

this point,

Purchase

this paper has laid the foundation
for much
of Thomas
to the most
The task at hand is to apply this ideology
ideology.
political
event of Jefferson's
two terms as President?
his purchase of the Louisiana

Jefferson's
momentous

this task, we are less interested in how
territory from France in 1803. In undertaking
was secured from France than in the charges brought
the Louisiana
territory
against
Jefferson, by friends and enemies alike, that this act represented betrayal of his most Interest
i.e., states' rights and strict constructionism.
to
serious reservations
about his authority
Jefferson
ingly enough,
purchase
Louisiana
but became curiously
silent on his action before laying the treaty before
visible

convictions;

political

had

The question
Congress.
"sold out" his political

or not Jefferson
of greatest
then, is whether
importance,
we
to demonstrate
this examination
ideals. Through
hope

that he did not.
to the
Reactions
Treaty
of the treaty to secure the Louisiana
territory reached Washington
on the eve of the fourth of
citizens were overjoyed with
the treaty,
July, 1803. Many
since the Declaration
it as the greatest American
achievement
of Independence.
hailing
most
the treaty as a
Federalist
of Jefferson,
criticized
Others,
opponents
notably
was a lot to pay for a
monumental
blunder.
Fifteen million
dollars,
they bellowed,
Initial

News

as
in fact, saw the cession of Louisiana
George Cabot,
chiefly
"It is," he said, "like selling us a ship after she is surrounded advantageous
a
in the case of Louisiana was that France would
reasoning
by British fleet."39 Cabot's
to American
have been unable to exploit
the territory because of its proximity
and
wilderness."38

"howling

to France.

interests.

British

In an appeal

to the average citizen's
what Louisiana meant

display graphically
dollar bills one upon another that would
dollars from every taxpayer in the United
and western
Federalists

frontiersmen.
in opposition
the Federalists

to
the Federalists
pocketbook,
attempted
a stack of
as a whole:
to the
population

a
produce
pile three miles high; twenty
States; benefits only to southern planters
All of these arguments,
and others, were offered by the
to the treaty.
saw

in Jefferson's
actions. His
opportunity
political
was the first step in the dismemberment
of the
France, they reasoned,
treaty with
for the purchase of Louisiana
altered the relationship
between
Union;
irrevocably
own
it went
and the states. Moreover,
the national government
against Jefferson's
Yet

also

construction.
of states' rights and strict constitutional
in
Thus,
positions
saw an opportunity
to discredit Jefferson
Louisiana
the Federalists
and recapture
Louisiana was just the fodder the Federalists
from the Republicans.
Indeed,
power
once and for all the rashness and pomposity
to show Americans
needed
of Thomas

well-stated

Jefferson.

Interestingly

enough,

Jefferson

recognized

in the Louisiana

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Purchase

the

JEFFERSONAND THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE | 689

possibility
Obviously,

of

to the Federalists,
power
yet he proceeded with
tenure was not his only motivation
in this case.

losing

political
Jefferson's
Of course,

the

treaty.

Doubts
a multitude
of problems
for
posed
were the boundaries
For example, What
of Louisiana?
the Union withstand
the shock? Could
the new
Could

the cession

Jefferson and the Republicans.
Was
the Purchase warranted?

of Louisiana

How?
lands be governed
under the Constitution?
or as free and
states? What
Congress
independent
on and on.
Could
they be assimilated?40 And
about
Jefferson was exuberant
Outwardly,
Horatio
Gates only a week
after the treaty was

As

colonies

about

subject
the French

the Purchase.

In writing

made

he

public

to the will

of

in Louisiana?
to General

said:

on
I accept with pleasure,
and with
pleasure reciprocate your congratulations
as it
the acquisition
for it is a subject of mutual
of Louisiana;
congratulation,
interests every man of the nation. The territory acquired, as it includes all the waters
the area of
and the Mississippi,
has more
than doubled
of the Missouri
the United
productions

States, and the new part is not
communications.
and important

inferior to the old
. . .41

of the utility and quality
Jefferson was thus convinced
consumed by doubts about the constitutionality
nevertheless

While
he was

in soil, climate,

of the new

land,
of the treaty and

its implications
for expanding
the power of the national government.
Jefferson's
to him
Levi Lincoln,
General,
Jefferson's
qualms and wrote
Attorney
anticipated
to frame the treaty "in such
before the treaty was secured. In his letter, he attempted
as to make
a
not as adding new territory to the United
[Louisiana] appear
language
States, but as extending
territory by an alteration of its boundary."42
already existing
In reply, Jefferson wrote:
it is not
is not warranted
of territory
If the acquisition
by the Constitution,
.
more
to acquire for one State than for the United
States. . . What
could,
legal
on this construction,
and the Senate, by treaty, annexing
prevent the President
or
to Rhode
of
Cuba to Massachusetts,
Island, if ever the acquirement
Bengal
and colonies should
colonies should become a favorite object with governments,
be acquired?43
that the Louisiana Pur
then, of the implications
Jefferson was very conscious,
for (1) by acquiring Louisiana,
chase had for states rights and strict constructionism;
was
and the executive office, which
the national government
Jefferson
strengthening
on states'
went beyond
rights; and (2) the accession of Louisiana
infringed
naturally
in the Constitution.
government
and
these implications
Critics of Jefferson,
Federalists,
recognized
particularly
than they. For if Jefferson's
favorite phrase
chided Jefferson for being more Federalist
in the shade more
was true ?"that
the Federalist differed from the Republican
only
was hard to see how any President
or less of power given to the Executive?it
could
the enumerated

powers

given

the national

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690

I

PRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY

be more

Federalist
actions,

Jefferson's

than Jefferson

himself."44

Albert

Fried,

a later commentator

on

says,

. . . if

he succeeded even
the Federalists,
succeeded in Republicanizing
Jefferson
in Federalizing
had anticipated
the Republicans.
Hamilton
this possibility
over Burr, he wrote:
in supporting
"It is a fact which
in 1800 when,
Jefferson
I have frequently mentioned
that while we were in the administration
together,
he [Jefferson] was generally
for a large construction
of the Executive
authority.

more

??45

For a party that boasted of constitutional
then, the dilemma of Louisiana
morality,
even more so to its
to its credibility,
real challenges
guide and mentor Jefferson.
posed
reaction to this dilemma was to propose aConstitutional
amend
first
Jefferson's
one of his close advisors, Albert Gallatin,
ment.
that the
advised Jefferson
Though
States had an inherent right to acquire territory and that Congress had the
United
as a state or annex this territory
either to admit such territory into the Union
power
to the states, Jefferson nevertheless
"I think it will be safer not to permit
concluded:
the enlargement
of the Constitution."46
of the Union
but by amendment
the treaty with France was concluded,
When
drafted an
Jefferson
immediately
he intended to sanction the treaty retroactively.
"The Constitu
amendment wherein
for our holding
he said, "has made no provision
still less of
foreign territory,
an amendment,
nations
into our Union."
Jefferson
foreign
incorporating
Adopting
out
the Constitution
would
"confirm and not weaken
marking
by strongly
thought,
to states' rights and strict constructionism,
its lines."47 Given Jefferson's dispositions
an amendment
course to follow.
seemed to him to be the only honorable
to the
But many
closest friends advised against an amendment
of Jefferson's
was "very
Constitution.
Senator Wilson
of Virginia
that it
Cary Nicholas
suggested
tion,"

to exceed the constitutional
authority
probable if the treaty should be by you declared
that itwould be rejected by the Senate, and if that should
of the treaty making
power
use would be made of this willful breach of the Constitution."48 not
happen, that great
latter fear, of course, was realized.
Nicholas's
In his reply
his case:

to Nicholas

in early September,

however,

Jefferson

plainly

stated

an instrument
the one safe, the other dan
admits two constructions,
one precise,
I prefer that which
is safe and
the other indefinite,
the
gerous,
an
I had rather ask
it is
of power from the nation where
precise.
enlargement
our
than to assume by a construction
make
which would
found necessary,
Our peculiar security is in possession
Constitu
of awritten
powers boundless.
it a blank paper by construction.
I say the same as to
tion. Let us not make
as
the grant of the treaty making
of those who
consider
the opinion
power
.. .Let us
on then
it is, then we have no constitution.
boundless.
If
go
perfecting
to the constitution,
those powers which
it, by adding by way of amendment
. . ,49
time and trial show are still wanting.

When

This
proposed

was the ideal?what
of strict constructionism
have
Jefferson would
there not been a greater end to be achieved. But near the end of his

defense
had

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JEFFERSONAND THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE | 691

to Nicholas,
Jefferson
to secure a greater

letter

set aside

I think

it important

tion by appealing
think differently,

hints

that constitutional
"I confess

good.

niceties

then,"

could

temporarily

be

he said,

in the present case to set an example against broad construc to the
our friends shall
for new power
If however
people.
I shall acquiesce with
that the
satisfaction confiding
certainly

sense of our country
ill effects.50
produce

will

good

correct

the evil of construction

when

it shall

in rationalizing
the Louisiana Purchase, no doubt,
Jefferson had in mind
the greater good he saw in securing Republican
ideals for the long term. Indeed,
not just to
to all Americans,
Louisiana
the acquisition
"was of crucial importance
of
southerners
and westerners,
for it pushed far into the future that dreaded day when
a
America
would
become
society characterized
densely populated
by inequality,
As to the Purchase's
and dependence."51
and its
threat to the Constitution
luxury
What

was

to states'

Jefferson had stated nearly a
rights and constructionism,
sometimes
decade earlier that the means must
be sacrificed to achieve the ends. In
as to whether
to a question
itwas necessary for public officials to assume
responding
the law, Jefferson
authority
beyond
replied:
threat

attendant

one of the
high duties of
the highest. The laws of necessity,
of preservation,
good citizen, but
are of
in danger,
To lose our
of saving our country when
higher obligation.
a
to written
be to lose the law
adherence
would
law,
country by
scrupulous
are enjoying
them with
and all those who
itself, with
life, liberty, property,

A

strict observance

a

us;

of the written

laws

is doubtless

it is not

thus absurdly
The
With

sacrificing

Goes
Treaty
his seeming

Louisiana

the end

Before

to the means.52

Congress
on the Constitutional

issues posed by the
on the
letter, Jefferson closed his mouth
inmid-October,
before Congress
he made no mention

acquiescence
in the Nicholas

Purchase
implied
he went
forever. When
subject
of his Constitutional
Jefferson was not to be relieved of the Constitutional
misgivings.
In laying the treaty before Congress,
however.
Louisiana,
questions
surrounding
to address what
to be the usurpation
several Congressmen
they considered
attempted

In the House,
of New York argued that an
Gaylord Gris wold
a territory
to the whole
of the
of the size of Louisiana,
equal
and thereby the rights of
the existing
overbalance
United
States, "might
territory,
States be swallowed
the present citizens of the United
up and lost."53
an avowed supporter of New
of Connecticut,
Griswold
posi
Roger
England's
to have fallen prey to the whims
of Virginia
tion, believed New
(since
England
Purchase were
of the Louisiana
of the most
avid supporters
and many
Jefferson
of the Constitution.
addition

Virginians).

to the Union

"A new

territory

and new

subjects,"

he

said,

the
but neither
and by purchase;
be obtained by conquest
undoubtedly
must
nor the
can incorporate
them into the Union.
conquest
They
purchase
and be governed
remain in the condition
of colonies,
accordingly.54

may

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692

I

PRESIDENTIAL STUDIESQUARTERLY

was invalid since it committed
the nation to
treaty, Gris wold maintained,
the people of Louisiana
into the Union.
The assumption,
then, that "the
into this copartnership
and Senate may admit at will
any foreign nation

The
admitting
President

to
of the States," was,
also asserted
Griswold
"the people of the States had never delegated
or to a
States Senate,
of the United
majority
a
State."56 Itwas ironic,
by annexing
foreign
advocate?was
rights and strict constructionist

to the
principles
of the treaty that
or Thomas Jefferson,
to John
Randolph
the right to make a political
revolution
?
the avowed states'
then, that Jefferson
own rhetoric turned against
having his

the consent

without

Griswold,
repugnant
in his condemnation

of the Constitution.55

him

in the Louisiana

debate.

in their attack on
just as vehement
members
had been. Senator William
Jefferson and the Louisiana
such a treaty, itwould
have
said that if his party had negotiated
Plumer, for example,
as "monarchial."
been denounced
Manasseh
too, alleged that Jefferson had
Cutler,
as the Grand Turk."57 And
"as despotic
become
Senator Timothy
of
Pickering
nor the Congress
Massachusetts
had the authority to
asserted that neither the President
nor did
a
into the Union;
incorporate Louisiana
Pickering believe that Constitutional
Federalist

members

of

the Senate were
treaty as the House

"I believe,"
solve the dilemma.
he said, "the assent of each
to be necessary for the admission of a foreign country as an associate as in a commercial
in like manner
of the Union,
house the consent of each member
to admit a new partner into the
be necessary
would
company."58
other extreme Federalists,
held that the Loui
Thus, Pickering,
together with
as a State in the Union
siana treaty was void, "and that the admission of Louisiana
amendment
individual

was

would

State

a rupture

of the compact, which
broke the tie and left each State free to act
is most
of the rest."59 Again, what
about this argument
independently
interesting
is that the Federalists were using Jefferson's and the Republicans' convictions
hallowed
to indict the Louisiana
Purchase.
For their part, the Federalists
that the
believed

on the horns of their own cherished doc
were
themselves
Republicans
impaling
?
trines
states' rights and strict constructionism.
Both, the Federalists believed, would
be equally fatal to the Republicans.
As they reasoned,
as a State, or must be held as a
Louisiana must be admitted
territory.
In the first case the Old Union was at an end; in the second case the national was an
"inherent
derived from the war
government
empire, with
sovereignty"
case the Virginia
and treaty-making
either
theories were exploded.60
powers?in

Either

Implications
The Louisiana

of

the Louisiana

Purchase

as both
then, could be considered
on the one hand it doubled
for

the zenith and
Purchase,
of Jefferson's
the size of the
presidency;
States and ensured that the country would
United
have ample land for expansion
for
into question
many years to come. But on the other hand, the Purchase brought to criticism
fundamental
and exposed Jefferson
doctrines
that has lasted
Jeffersonian
to this
sees the Louisiana Purchase as "a revolution
Peterson
Merrill
in
day. Indeed,
a revolution
American Union
momentous
the
in the Constitution.
A
[which] became,
the nadir

act of Jeffersonian

statesmanship

unhinged

the Jeffersonian

dogmas

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and opened,

so

JEFFERSONAND THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE | 693

far as precedent might
then and since found

the boundless
field of power
control,
the President
inconsistent."61

so much

feared. Critics

Purchase do to the doctrines of states' rights and strict
of course, claim that it enlarged the powers of the national Many,
as Jefferson feared, a "blank paper of the
vis-?-vis
the states and made,
government
Constitution."
The former assertion is almost certainly true; the latter an exaggera to note, however,
tion. It is interesting
that among the supporters of the Louisiana
some of the most avid proponents
Purchase were
of states' rights and strict construc
did the Louisiana

What

constructionism?

tionism,

aside from Jefferson:
sat John

to be the author of
of Kentucky,
Breckinridge
supposed
as their
the Kentucky
and known
in the Kentucky
Resolutions,
champion
came John
From Virginia
of Caroline,
the reputed father of
legislature.
Taylor
the Virginia Resolutions,
and the soundest of strict constructionists.
Twenty
In the Senate

years later, his "Construction
tion" became
the text books

Construed"

and "New

Views

on the Constitu

of the States-rights
school. His colleague was
who had also taken a prominent
the
Nicholas,
Cary
part in supporting
to the
and whose devotion
of strict construction
Resolutions,
Virginia
principles
was
senators was Pierce Butler; one
beyond doubt. One of the South Carolina

Wilson

of those

from North

Abraham

Baldwin

was

Stone; Georgia was represented
by
and James Jackson, ?staunch
all.62
States-rights Republicans
Carolina

David

those who
had been long-time
of states' rights and strict
Thus,
supporters
constructionism
sided with Jefferson on the Louisiana
to be
Purchase. The question
iswhat
had on these doctrines.
States' rights,
asked, however,
impact these defections
of course, would
be an important
issue for another sixty years, settled only by the
death of 600,000 Americans
on the
the Civil War.
Strict constructionism,
during
other hand, did suffer a blow with Jefferson's
to say, however,
actions. Who
is
that
than accelerate the inevitable growth
of national government
and
Jefferson did more
the presidency
of the country? That is, as the country
given the inevitable growth
became
and more diverse,
there was an almost instinctive
need for stronger
larger
central control which
or not.
his actions, ensured, knowingly
Jefferson,
through
case of Louisiana Jefferson
One could argue, then, that in the
to the
brought
fore those issues that would
in the country's
have to be reckoned with
eventually
state vs. national power and strict vs. loose construction
of the Constitu
future?i.e.,
tion. Though
the issue of state power
in the U.S.
federal system has been largely
no apparent resolution.
remains an issue with
settled, constitutional
interpretation
so far removed
Such is the inevitable consequence
of being
from the intent of the
framers. Thus, we can only hope today that those who
interpret the Constitution
will do so in the same spirit as Thomas
as their ultimate
Jefferson,
having always,
end,

the best

interests

of the United

States.

Conclusion
Thomas
United

States.

This

Jefferson
judgment

as one of the greatest
of the
presidents
stems from many
factors, not the least of which was

is often

hailed

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STUDIES
QUARTERLY
I PRESIDENTIAL

694

at the outset of
to his political
commitment
ideals. The question
Jefferson's
posed
or not Jefferson "sold out" his
this paper, however, was whether
political ideals?i.e.,
states' rights and strict constructionism?in
the case of the Louisiana
republicanism,
seems to think so. Indeed, there
Purchase. The majority
of conventional
commentary
that
has been great criticism heaped on Jefferson for his supposed betrayal of doctrines can we know what
his political
life. But Jefferson was a complex man. How
at least gives us a hint when
real intentions were,
then? Dumas Malone
Jefferson's
he intimates that Jefferson believed
the Louisiana
territory to be "essential to national
In effect, in making
he did, Jefferson "relented on the 'means'
the choice
security."
he would
rather have employed because his political allies insisted that his preferred defined

means

might

the end sought

jeopardize

and thereby give

an

to his
political

advantage

enemies."63

And what
the "national
wherein

would

was

it was securing
Jefferson
sought? Undoubtedly,
sense of
an
in the broad
security"
promoting
"Empire of Liberty"
secure for themselves
and
reside virtuous agrarian citizens who would
the end which

their posterity
Jefferson's
"The
the distant
future.

into
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness"
the
interests,"
held, "demanded
Jefferson
see such an extent of country
extension
of the empire for liberty. The world will here
as it has never yet seen."64
under a free and moderate
government
For Jefferson,
the Louisiana
in
Purchase
secured the virtues of Republicanism
an

"Empire

ideals of "life,
nation's
best

As pointed

of Liberty."

out

in a popular

pamphlet

which

celebrated

it:

a cor
security and lessened the danger of
the influence of the agricultural
class, always the best
rupting war; it bolstered
commerce
of republican virtue; and it laid the basis for a flourishing repository
in theWest
that would
cultivate an active, industrious,
and republican people.65

The

Purchase

enhanced

The

Louisiana

American

Purchase
?

also addressed other fundamental
threats that deeply
societal decay and the problems
associated with
agricul
a
tural surpluses. "We see in Louisiana,"
said, "an assurance
prominent Republican
of long life to our cause. The Atlantic
of
States, as they advance to that condition
and luxury tend to vice and aristocracies, will yield to that society, where wealth
men. The
accessions of enterprizing
tends to
country
spirit of faction, which
[sic]
the Republicans

concerned

concentrate,

will

be destroyed
the empire of

"by enlarging
sources of renovation,
of our country
Louisiana

should

which

by

this diffusion."66
we

Jefferson echoed this optimism:
its auxiliaries,
and provide new

liberty,
multiply
at any time, degenerate,
its principles,
them birth."67

in those portions

gave
filled Jefferson's political economy bill as well. By
trious farmers vast amounts of land and the transportation
network

securing for indus
offered by control
assured amarket
for

of the Mississippi
and Missouri
the Louisiana
Rivers,
territory
not been
this market
the surplus produce of American
farmers. Had
Gazette

American

farmers would

have "degenerated

the
available,
into savages,

intoned,
Kentucky
to
to
because they had no incentive
the incentive
"by providing
industry."68 Thus,
a
laid the necessary
industry that shaped
republican people, it [the Louisiana Purchase]
of republican
basis for the westward
civilization
itself."69
expansion

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JEFFERSONAND THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE | 695

Jefferson "sell out" in the case of Louisiana?
Perhaps by the letter of states'
the spirit
and strict constructionism
he did, but certainly not if one considers
rights
was the ultimate end of government?
For Jefferson
of those doctrines. After all, what
it was
the Republican
ideal. All other doctrines were
securing
simply auxiliaries.
in and of themselves,
While
states' rights and strict constructionism
were,
important,
were ancillary to the greater good of Republicanism.
it became necessary
When
they
were
to secure the greater good,
states' rights and strict constructionism
sacrificed,
were not important
not because
too, promoted
Republicanism?but
?they,
they
to an end, that end being Jefferson's "Empire of Liberty."
because they were ameans
Did

of his states'
by the apparent abandonment
in the case of the Louisiana Purchase. However,
to the point of suggesting
sold out his
that Jefferson
this criticism has been extreme
ideals. To the contrary, we assert that Jefferson was entirely consistent given his

is thus justly
Jefferson
and strict constructionist
rights

criticized
views

His was a vision of a land of liberty which
grand design for the American Republic.
was far
his time, one may even say Utopian. Yet few in Jefferson's
time, and
beyond
even fewer today, understood
actions. All that is seen
the ramifications
of Jefferson's
are
are the
in any politician
which
inconsistencies,
rarely tolerated. Thus,
seeming
was
and more,
that this
left to say sadly, "Every day proves to me more
Jefferson
for me."70
American
world was not made
*
The authorwould like to thankProfessor Calvin C Sillsonfor his guidance. Notes
A
1. Drew McCoy, The Elusive Republic: PoliticalEconomy injejfersonian merica (Boston : Little, Brown
and Company, 1980), p. 187.
2. Robert W. Tucker andDavid C. Hendrickson, Empire ofLiberty: The Statecraft of ThomasJefferson (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 164.
3. Dumas Malone, Jefferson theVirginian vol. 1 o?Jefferson andHis Time (Boston: Little, Brown and Company,

p. xiii.

1948),

4. Charles Francis Adams, ed.,Memoirs ofJohn Quincy Adams vol. V. (Philadelphia J.B. Lippincott and Company, 1875), pp. 364-65.
5. Henry Adams, History of theUnited States of America During theFirst Administration of Thomas Jefferson vol. II. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1903), p. 89. 6.

Ibid.,

91.

p.

7. Albert Fried, ed., The Essential Jefferson (New York: Collier Books, 1963), p. 261. New Nation (New York, Oxford: Oxford University
8. Merrill D. Peterson, ThomasJefferson and the
Press,

613.

p.

1970),

9. Ibid.
378.

10.

Fried,

p.

11.

Fried,

pp.

12.

Brodie,

13.

Schachner,

p.

383-84.
337.
417-18.

pp.

14. Fried, p. 298.
15.

Schachner,

p.

417.

16. Peterson (1970), p. 434.
17.

Fried,

p.

355.

p. 131.
p. 68.
Brodie,
p. 156.

18. McCoy,
19. Ibid.,
20.

This content downloaded from 207.62.77.131 on Wed, 4 Dec 2013 19:51:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

696

PRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY

I

21. Fried, p. 244.
22. McCoy,

68-69.

pp.

23. Fried, p. 236.
24.

Brodie,

156.

p.

25. Peterson (1970) p. 459.
26.

Brodie,

253.

p.

27. Adrienne Koch and
William Peden, eds. The Life and SelectedWritings of Thomas Jefferson (New York: The Modern Library, 1944), p. 281.
28. McCoy,
29.
Ibid.,
30.

Koch

31.

McCoy,

32.

Ibid.,

33.

pp. 118-19.
p. 119.
and Peden,
pp.

Ibid.,

34.

Ibid.,

p.

35.

Ibid.,

pp.

36.

Ibid.,

p. 191.
and Peden,

615-16.

p. 84.
p. 104.
p. 84.

37.

Koch

190.
190-91.

575.

p.

38. Peterson (1970), p. 760.
39. Dumas Malone, Jefferson thePresident: First Term, 1801-1805 vol. IV of Jefferson andHis Time (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1970), p. 297.
40. Peterson (1970), p. 767.
41. Willson
p.

arr.

Whitman,

Jefferson's

Letters

(Eau Claire,

WI:

E.M.

Hale

and Company,

1940),

216.

42.

Henry

43.

Ibid.,

p.

78.

p.

44.

Ibid.,

45.

Fried,

46.

Tucker

Adams,
79.

p.

78.

p. 400.
and Hendrickson,

p.

164.

47. Peterson (1970), p. 770.
48. Malone (1970), p. 318.
49.

Fried,

50.

Ibid.,

51. McCoy,

pp. 439-40.
p. 440.
p. 203.

52. Malone

(1970), p. 320.

53.

Henry

54.

Ibid.,

55.

Ibid.,

p.

Ibid.,

p.

96-97.

100.

56.

104.

Adams,
pp.

57. Malone
58.

(1970), pp. 328-29.

59.

Ibid.,

Adams,
p. 111.

60.

Ibid.,

p.

Henry

pp.

99-100.

p.

105.

113.

61. Peterson (1970), p. 775.
62.
63.

Henry
Tucker

pp. 94-95.
and Hendrickson,

Adams,

64. Alexander DeConde,
65. McCoy,
66.
Ibid.,

p.

pp.

167-68.

This Affair of Louisiana (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1976), p. 185.

p. 205.
203.

67. Ibid.
68.

Ibid.,

p.

198.

69.

Ibid.,

p.

199.

70.

Brodie,

p.

386.

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