A Study of Political Ideological Background of Relationship Between Chinese Authoritarian State and Embedded Pluralism of Feminist Activism in Post-Mao Era – Analysis from the Marxist Perspective

Article - Asoke (Rocky) Mehera

A Study of Political Ideological Background of Relationship between Chinese Authoritarian State and Embedded Pluralism of Feminist Activism in Post-Mao Era – Analysis from the Marxist Perspective

The Field of Research/Topic of Investigation:

The core issue of my research is to examine how the Chinese state, public policies and feminist organizations are having a great impact on feminist activism in China. I am going to analyse the Chinese state in terms of its relations of power, class, social and economic groups from feminist perspective. My study will negate the notion that the close association to socialism and class issues is damaging to Chinese feminism. Actually, the so-called socialism of the CCP is placing the interests of party before those of women (Hom, 2000). State, being an instrument for subordination of women, tries to conduct a window-dressing through so-called progressive policies for lessening of the financial dependency of women on men. The process of the promotion of women’s interests within the state, either through the action of ‘femocrats’ (feminist bureaucrats) working from within the state system to empower women, or when the state itself acts in a way to further women’s status (Stetson and Mazur 1995).
My research is focussed on the transitory decline of women’s status from Socialist Mao era to post-socialist Deng era. Actually, present Chinese state is only responsive to those ‘feminist’ demands that are not threatening, that may even help maintain the status quo and reforms often reinforce capitalist & materialist values (illustrating the flexibility of capitalism) without truly liberating women economically. While feminist organizations are enjoying ‘dependent autonomy’; the state is adopting an approach of booth collaboration and confrontation to contain the pressure groups. Actually, the state corporatism and embedded pluralism of the social organizations are paving the way for a situation, where the economic interests of Chinese women are being neglected by both state and non-state stakeholders. It is necessary to consider the allegiance and antagonism of the feminist organisations toward state while mapping policy influence on feminist organizations.
Government Approach toward Feminist Organizations and Criticism of State to Solve Women’s Issues:
The autonomy of the feminist organizations arise in part because of the limited capacity of central government to control them, and in part because of the fragmented and non-monolithic nature of the state, which enables individual bureaucratic patrons to protect particular organizations, especially officially-organised ones (Lu, 2012). Wary of the potential threat to its authority and rule, the government has adopted a policy of forestalling the formation of feminist organizations which might constrict its autonomy in formulating economic and social policies.

The Chinese state failed to provide an overall comprehensive legal and regulatory framework. Actually, “gender mainstreaming” demands that government should integrate a gender perspective in to evaluation of legislation and implementation of programs. The response of Government supported feminist organizations is quite passive and it is focused on the survival of enterprises at the expense of women workers benefits.

Key Challenges & Priorities for Gender Equality Interventions:

The key challenges on gender issues are as follows: feminization of poverty in both rural and urban areas, increasing inequality in the labour market in terms of income gaps, discrimination in hiring and unequal access to credit, and women’s participation in political decision-making and governance. The Chinese government and judiciary need to clarify whether or not equality rights have legal precedence over other rights, such as the enterprise’s right to economic efficiency (hiring and firing workers without consideration of gender equality provisions in the Labour Law), or the village’s right to redistribute land (without consideration for gender equality provisions in the Land Contracting Law). Women’s rights activists, women researchers and NGOs dealing with gender issues indicate there is considerable scope for capacity building and technical assistance to promote gender equality.

Ideological (i.e. Marxist) Perspective of the Research:

My intended research is based on the Marxist interpretation of Chinese state policy and the non-governmental actors working for the economic rights of women in post-socialist Period.
Ideological transition of china from socialism to state-capitalism will be studied to understand the linkage between state involvement and women-activism for socio-economic rights through women NGOs, as manifested since 1990. Marxists have rightly criticized ‘western bourgeois feminism’ as it does not consider ill-effects of capitalism such as commercialisation, proletarisation and class/race oppression. Criticizing the ‘bourgeois feminism’, Eleanor Leacock and several other women Marxist anthropologists have argued that the roots of female subordination lie in private property, class hierarchy and the production of exchange value (Engels,1975). Marxists agree with liberal WID (Women in Development School) thinkers that economic modernization under capitalism actually marginalized Third World women.

Primary Research Objective/Central Research Question to Address:

Has All-China Women 's Federation (ACWF) adopted a bottom-up approach in order to incorporate the concerns of ordinary women in to the core of its agenda? Is ACWF a dogmatic political apparatus of the CCP state?

Does women’s movement has its roots in popular local activism rather than in a state-orchestrated course of action dominated by the CCP?

Do the Chinese women activists have a conscious agenda to explore gender issues or do they have a gender-sensitive style in all the matters they choose?

Has socio-economic development in China over the past two decades been able to create the right conditions for the government to invest more for the development of women?

Is there indeed a feminization of poverty and does poverty has a different impact on women than on men?

Does the state have adopted a hybrid approach of confrontation and collaboration in regard to the feminist organizations for defending the radical pressure groups? | | |
The Context/Background of My Research:

The background of my research consists of China’s journey toward market economy in 1978 and there is no doubt that the emerging new society of the post-1978 period has created less positive phenomena such as the development of gender inequality and commodification of women. China’s transitions – from a strictly patriarchal society, to a communist state that focused on attaining gender equality, to one that concentrated upon meeting the standards of a capitalist society – have revolutionized women’s status in society. With China’s transition from socialist to capitalist regime, state has adopted a new anti-women stance as far as public welfare is concerned. In the context of ever growing demand for economic rights for women, I want to dedicate myself in a special kind of gender research related to economy only. So, it is essential to relate economic activism of women to different associated issues such as state approach and the evolving state-society relations in China.

The Value of My Research and Its Contribution to My Field:

My research will greatly contribute toward state/public policy, welfare economy and society of China. As most of the social organizations are sharing a status of ‘dependent autonomy’ with the state, the issues regarding economic welfare of women has been neglected. The value of this research is immense from the gender perspective as the status of women in China is actually decreased in last two decades. Above all, my study will be an ideological support to social activists fighting the expansion of democratic rights of women. In summary, my research will benefit social science, politics and public policy as it is going to be a cross-faculty study.
Gender Research Strategy and Methods:

Gender analysis is a macro methodology and its purpose is to reveal the gender problem in order to protect the legal and socio-economic rights of women. I want to use a Mixed Methods Research approach, which involves both Qualitative and Quantitative assessment. As far as choice of design is concerned, I intend to conduct Surveys and Interviews. I want to give priority to qualitative data (i.e. 1.Participant’s perspectives on emerging questions and 2.Describing & understanding relationships) collection. My Quantitative data will be acquired through following two methods: 1. Identify & test hypothesis & 2.Random selection of participants’). I want follow QUAL-QUAN model, where qualitative data are collected first and are more heavily weighted.

The reasons for prioritising a qualitative investigation are based on two factors. Firstly, the research focused on economic activism of rural and migrated urban women, which is quite understudied. As a natural consequence, the study is exploratory rather than confirmatory and so a qualitative approach was appropriate. Secondly, the type of information that this research needed to collect and analyse involves an in-depth understanding of a complex phenomenon. Actually this research develops a framework to help examine the Capitalist State-centric practices on the growth of women activism for economic rights in China.

Using a Mixed Method Approach, an initial exploratory study being based on narrative interviews will enable the grounded theory building procedure. This will subsequently be followed by a quantitative phase and data for this phase will be collected using a web and postal survey directed towards the authority positioned at the strategic and operational level of the two major social organizations (i.e. ACWF) ‘dedicated towards the women’s activism.
I will study also views of community pressure groups and social science academics. I will require at least ten respondents (from higher authority of the feminist organizations) to complete the survey. Web interviews (+-15) with focus groups and key stakeholders will be considered with importance. Results from this phase will be analysed by multivariate regression analysis. A Multi-level theoretical framework constructed from the initial qualitative phase will contribute towards a theoretical framework to enhance the understanding of the interactive role of the state and feminist organizations in accelerating feminist activism for women’s rights in last two decades.

Expected outcome:

Chinese state policy makers, feminist organizations and social pressure groups and community stakeholders can use the results of this study to improve and reorient their plans so that they can contribute towards the substantial upliftment of women’s status. This can potentially upgrade and expand the feminist activities to improve the standards of their socio-economic life. Through the in-depth investigation and interaction with the operators of feminist organizations, the relevance of the frequently applied theoretical frameworks – state-centric theory will be examined. The emerging results will be of particular significance for the application of an appropriate theory that can explain state – feminist activism relationship in a more appropriate way.
This study shows that this socialist system (during 1949-1976) has provided an advantageous environment for women to achieve equal status with men. The Communist revolution of 1949 has brought an end to the thousands of years of male-dominated history, what Stacey terms “Confucian Patriarchy” (1983), but this golden opportunity could not been capitalised due to the deviation from proper socialist principles as propounded by Mao. Actually, the “Patriarchal Socialism” is the contribution of post-Mao leadership ruling since 1978. During the previous two decades in China; gender inequality persists at the institutional and structural level and it is very likely prominent at the individual and micro level as well.

Conclusion:

Since the economic reform of 1978, women have been suffering setbacks in terms of gaining equal status in different sectors. The feminization of agriculture, employment marginalization of industrial women and the expansion of informal-sector female employment will increasingly marginalize women from the social-security system and leave them more vulnerable. The unusual interaction between the ‘fragmented authoritarianism’ of state and the ‘embedded pluralism’ of social organizations has paved the way for ‘dependent autonomy’. Actually, it is difficult to blame the feminist organizations; because both are integral part of ruling hierarchy and most of their power emancipates from the legislative powers the government and the civil servant staff. It can be finally concluded by following Leta Hong Fincher, a doctoral candidate at Beijing’s Tsinghua University, that there has not been any concrete achievement by the state towards the substantial qualitative development of women in the last couple of decades and the socio-economic status of women is actually decreasing. | | | | | | | | | | |
Bibliography:

Boggs, G., & James, B. (1974). Revolution and Evolution in the Twentieth Century. New York: Monthly Review Press.
Brown, R.M. (1974). The Last Straw, In Charlotte,B., & Nancy,M.B. (Eds.), Class and Feminism. Diana Press, 1974, pp. 14-23.
Hildebrandt, T. (2013). Social Organizations and the Authoritarian State in China. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Hom, S.K. (2000). Women 's Rights: A Global View. New York: Greenwood Publishing. 2000.
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Jin, Y. (2002). “The All China Women’s Federation: Challenges and Trends.” In Hsiung, P., Jaschok, M., & Milwertz, C. (Eds.), “Chinese Women Organizing Cadres, Feminists, Muslims, Queers”. Oxford: Berg Publishers.

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Lu, Y. (2007). “NGOs in China: Development Dynamics and Challenges”, China Policy Institute, Discussion Paper 18, pp. 2-6.

Tan, H., & Wang, L. (2012). The Policy Influence on Women’s Organizations in China; Women’s Policy Journal of Harvard, Spring 2012, Volume 9, pp. 42-56.
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Bibliography: Boggs, G., & James, B. (1974). Revolution and Evolution in the Twentieth Century. New York: Monthly Review Press. Brown, R.M. (1974). The Last Straw, In Charlotte,B., & Nancy,M.B. (Eds.), Class and Feminism. Diana Press, 1974, pp. 14-23. Hildebrandt, T. (2013). Social Organizations and the Authoritarian State in China. New York: Cambridge University Press. Hom, S.K. (2000). Women 's Rights: A Global View. New York: Greenwood Publishing. 2000. Hooks, B. (2000) Ji, Li. (2001). Gender as a Determinant in Income Differentials. Beijing: Academy of Educational Sciences. Jin, Y. (2002). “The All China Women’s Federation: Challenges and Trends.” In Hsiung, P., Jaschok, M., & Milwertz, C. (Eds.), “Chinese Women Organizing Cadres, Feminists, Muslims, Queers”. Oxford: Berg Publishers. Lin, Z.B. (Ed). (2001). The Tutorial on Gender and Development. Beijing: China Agriculture University Press. Lu, Y. (2012). Non-Governmental Organisations in China (China Policy Series). United Kingdom: Routledge. Migdal, J. S. (2001). State in Society: Studying How States and Societies Transform and Constitute One Another; Cambridge University Press. Schwartz, J., & Sheih, S. (2009). State and Society Responses to Social Welfare Needs in China: Serving the people, Routledge . Stacey, J. (1983). Patriarchy and Socialist Revolution in China. Berkely: University of California Press. Stetson, D., & Amy, M. (1995) (Eds.). Comparative State Feminism. London: Sage. Wesoky, S. (2000). Chinese Feminism Faces Globalization. New York: Routledge. Wolf, M. (1985). Revolution Postponed, Women in Contemporary China. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Yaziji, M., & Doh, J. (2009). NGOs and Corporations: Conflict and Collaboration (Business, Value Creation, and Society). United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. Yongnian, Z., & Fewsmith, J. (2008). China 's Opening Society: The Non-State Sector and Governance (China Policy Series), Routledge, NY Yu, J., & Guo, S. (Eds.) (2012). Civil Society and Governance in China. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Hsu, J., & Hasmath, R. (2013).The Local Corporatist State and NGO Relations in China, Journal of Contemporary China, 23(87). Leung, A.S.M. (2003). Feminism in Transition: Chinese Culture, Ideology and the Development of the Women 's Movement in China; Asia Pacific Journal of Management, September 2003, Volume 20, Issue 3, pp. 359-374. Lu, Y. (2007). “NGOs in China: Development Dynamics and Challenges”, China Policy Institute, Discussion Paper 18, pp. 2-6. Tan, H., & Wang, L. (2012). The Policy Influence on Women’s Organizations in China; Women’s Policy Journal of Harvard, Spring 2012, Volume 9, pp. 42-56. Wang, Z