People Power

Ames 1
Reactions to Ferdinand Marcos and Corazon Aquino Before, During, and After the Special February 1986 “Snap” Philippine Presidential Elections
Karen Ames
Dr. Katherine Tinsley
Student Research Symposium
3/13/09
Ames 2
All of the world’s attention was focused on the Philippines before, during, and after the special February 1986 “snap” presidential election. The elections showcased a struggle for presidency between Corazon Aquino and Ferdinand Marcos. Corazon Aquino, a victim, martyr, who was there for the Philippines versus Ferdinand Marcos a dictator, a leader, who wanted to keep the presidential power. David versus Goliath is what the “snap” elections were often referred to. What did the people of the Philippines think of these opponents? How did all the events surrounding the “snap” election come about? Accusations and actions were made on both sides of the table, some good, and some bad. This is to examine the reactions of people in the Philippines as well as around the world to Ferdinand Marcos and Corazon Aquino by looking at the events leading up to, during, and after the special February 1986 “snap” election.
Ferdinand Marcos became president of the Philippines on December 30, 1965 by the promise of make the Philippines a great nation again.1 In the beginning Filipinos were optimistic of their new leader. Alex Abatayo commented that during the first ten years in office Marcos led the Philippines very well.2 However, the Philippines started to deteriorate when he implemented Martial Law on September 21, 1972. Marcos said the implementation of martial law was for the good of Philippines. He said it was “to save the Republic and to reform society”. He later extended the time of Martial Law and “abolished the Congress of the Philippines and took over the legislative powers”. Marcos ignored the Constitution and violated the Bill of Rights; people’s rights were taken advantage of and abused.3 This in short made Marcos a dictator, though this label was not how he considered himself. He preferred the title “constitutional authoritarian”.4
1 Dr. Florida C. Leuterio, Philippine: History & Government (Manila: St. Augustine Publications, Inc., 1998), 150. 2 Alexander Abatayo interview, Conducted by Karen Ames, Oct. 7, 2007 3 Dr. Florida C. Leuterio, 153. 4 Dr. Florida C. Leuterio, 153.
Ames 3
Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, the husband of Corazon Aquino, was a former opponent of Marcos who had been arrested and imprisoned before going into exile in America. He returned from exile in the U.S. to the Philippines, in 1983, because of his hopes of persuading Marcos to peacefully transfer the presidential position to him.5 He was warned by Marcos to not to return because of the threats on Benigno’s life. This did not dissuade Ninoy from coming back, for he was there for the people of the Philippines and not for himself. On August 21st, upon his return to the Philippines, Benigno Aquino was assassinated.6
Corazon Aquino as well as the rest of the Philippines was in shock at the news of Ninoy’s assassination. When Corazon Aquino returned to the Philippines, she did not think many people would the funeral. The government had banned any media coverage on the assassination and the funeral of Benigno Aquino.7 Only Radio Veritas, a Catholic Church Radio station, was broadcasting information about these two events.8 Word spread of what had happened, and the reaction of the Philippine nation showed at the funeral in grief, sadness, anger as well as outrage. Ninoy’s funeral was compared to that of Mahatma Gandhi, not only in size but also by the reaction of the Philippine people.9 Many Filipinos sympathized with the Aquino family and started to show their feelings against Ferdinand Marcos.10
The assassination of Benigno Aquino gave Marcos a bad image around the world. When the assassination occurred, the United States obtained a negative view of Marcos and President Reagan cancelled his trip to the Philippines during his tour of Asia. 11 Marcos created a 5-person committee to investigate who assassinated Benigno Aquino, though only when the people
5 Ed. John Bresnan. Crisis in the Philippines: The Marcos Era and Beyond, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 115. 6 Francisco S. Tatad. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado. 9. 7 Corazon Aquino. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 12. 8 Francisco S. Tatad. Monina Allarey Mercado, 10. 9 Teodoro Benigno. Monina Allarey Mercado, 17. 10 Dr. Florida C. Leuterio, 162. 11 Dr. Florida C. Leuterio, 163.
Ames 4 demanded it. This led to the 1985 “Trial of the Century” in the Philippines, when 26 of the accused were found innocent and the only culprit convicted of being involved in the assassination was Rolando Galman. The Marcos government said Galman was hired by the Communist Party to kill Ninoy.12 Shortly after he had supposedly shot Ninoy, the airport police killed Galman.13 Yet on October 23, 1984 it was determined by the “government-appointed Agrava Commission” that there was no evidence to support these charges. The blame of Aquino’s assassination was placed on Marcos supporters in the military. One of note was General Fabian Ver, because of his high position as the Chief of Staff of the Philippine Armed Forces.14
The Philippine people showed how they felt about what had happened in the following months by wearing, hanging banners, and putting out ribbons in the color yellow. Anything that could be yellow came together in a sea of yellow.15 Corazon Aquino adopted the signature color yellow in the early years of the Marcos regime when Ninoy was imprisoned under Marcos. She borrowed it from the American Civil War ballad “Tie a Yellow Ribbon around the Old Oak Tree”.16 The people of the Philippines carried on the wearing of the color yellow. This marked the beginning of the Yellow Revolution, a series of revolts and demonstrations that showcased the color yellow. The symbol of the color yellow in this case, not only came from the popular American song about a returning prisoner, but also represented civil disobedience, elements of fiesta, sacred mass, and most importantly, the memory of Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino.17 Aida
12 Dr. Florida C. Leuterio,), 164. 13 Francisco S. Tatad. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 9. 14 ed. Carl H. Lande Rebuilding A Nation: Philippine Challenges and American Policy, 344. 15 Francisco S. Tatad. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 31. 16 Stanley Karnow, In Our Image: America’s Empire in the Philippines, (New York: Foreign Policy Association, 1989), 6. 17 Ed. John Bresnan. 24,
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Abatayo Schafer of Cebu said to her the color of yellow meant freedom. It was a symbol of freedom of speech for the “People Power”.18
Corazon Aquino remembered telling Benigno Aquino that the Philippine people were cowards; Ninoy responded no, that all they needed was a leader.19 When the assassination of Benigno Aquino occurred, the Philippine people lost their leader, Ninoy, and were looking for a new one to follow. The people all turned to her, a widow of this well-known martyr of the country. However, at the time Corazon Aquino did not want the title of leader. 20
During the time of uncertainty, Corazon asked a priest about how the Philippine people knew the opposition of Marcos was doing what was best for the country. He replied saying that they knew by linking Marcos to evil and suffering. She then asked how does the opposition present truth and justice? The priest replied to do that name someone that is very different from Marcos.21 As a candidate Aquino would represent the victims of Marcos during his time in power. She said she “may have not suffered the most, but perhaps the victim that is best known.” She quoted her husband Benigno Aquino, “I will never be able to forgive myself if I have to live with the knowledge that I could have done something and I did not do anything.”22
On December 3rd, 1985, Aquino announced to the Philippines that the country was in dire need of change and was ready to lead the opposition against Marcos in the “snap” elections set for February 7, 1986 that was called by Marcos in September, 1985. 23 The election was called “snap” because it was to occur one year before the original scheduled presidential election.
18 Aida Abatayo Schafer interview, conducted by Karen Ames, Oct. 13, 2007. 19 Corazon Aquino. Monina Allarey Mercado, 17. 20 Sandra Burton, “Woman of the Year”, Time magazine, 1987. 21 Sandra Burton, 1987. 22 Seth Mydans, “Aquino’s Widow Says She Will Run Against Marcos”, New York Times, December 3, 1985, A10. 23 Seth Mydans, A10.
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Marcos may have called it because of the United States pressure to institute reforms or to re-establish his rule over the Philippines and not give the opposition the time to campaign.24
When she made the announcement there were few that saw her as a housewife. American diplomats and political commenters as well as President Reagan, doubted her competency as a leader of a troubled nation, especially with no political experience. 25 Being married to Benigno Aquino and raised in a political family did not count as qualifications for president.26 Marcos was not pleased by the announcement and said, “What qualifications does she have except that her husband was killed? She always stands up and asks for pity, making believe that there is no reason for her husband’s arrest.”27 Marcos accused Aquino of being communist and said that her husband, Benigno Aquino, was a founder of the Communist Party in the Philippines, which would go against the idea that the Communist Party had ordered the assassination of Ninoy. He went on to criticize her for her lack of experience in politics.28 Yet he was not the only one doubting Aquino’s capability of running a country that had gone through so much already. Besides publicly slandering Aquino, Marcos kept her off any of state-run media. This forced Aquino to travel around the islands to be heard by the people of the Philippines and depend on the independent media that still supported her.29
Of the few campaign months Aquino had, she traveled around to the different islands to be heard by the people and to hear the people as well, while Marcos stayed around the Manila area due to his deteriorating health. Daisy Catania had gone to a rally in Cebu City and brought her cousin Aida Abatayo Schafer along. Catania went with her co-workers after work and
24 Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 57. 25 Stanley Karnow, 7. 26 “From a Symbol to a Leader: The Rise of Corazon Aquino; From Symbol to Leader: Corazon Aquino’s Rise”, New York Times, February 26, 1986, A1. 27 Ferdinand E. Marcos. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 49. 28 Dr. Florida C. Leuterio, 166. 29 “The Truth and Ferdinand Marcos”, New York Times, January 27, 1986, A26.
Ames 7 everyone wore yellow t-shirts to the rally to show support of Corazon Aquino, freedom of speech, and as a symbol of the People’s Power. Just to get there, Catania and Schafer walked all day to down town Cebu. No jeepney30 was available because of all the people that were walking together on the streets to the rally. Schafer described the rally as “very intense, very crowded, there were a lot of people and we were far away from the stage.” Though they were not able to hear Aquino speak, it was great being there. Their experience was something that could not be put into words, even if they could not hear anything. Just knowing that there were others like them, who wanted Marcos to leave, was enough.31 Aida Abatayo Schafer said that she could not stay long either because of the curfew that was established during the Marcos’ regime. She thought that the curfew was a good idea, due to the killings going on at the time, but other Filipinos thought differently.32
Alexander Abatayo was forbidden to go any rallies or meetings against Marcos because he worked for the government with phones and communication among the islands. He was also not allowed to speak ill against the Philippine government or more importantly speak against Ferdinand Marcos. If he were to miss curfew, that was established during the Martial Law period, he would either be taken to jail or killed by the soldiers that patrolled the streets. He said that was a consequence for anyone that missed the curfew.33
Vic Sison, Secretary-General of the Cory Aquino for President Movement, commented on the growth in the number Corazon Aquino supporters at different rallies that grew from practically nothing. Sison said that the Philippine people were gathering more courage to show their opposition to Marcos at the rallies. They were going from fearful to absolute courage.34
30 Form of public transportation in the Philippines. 31 Daisy Catania interview, conducted by Karen Ames, Oct. 13, 2007. 32 Aida Abatayo Schafer interview, conducted by Karen Ames, Oct. 13, 2007. 33 Alex Abatayo interview, conducted by Karen Ames, Oct. 7, 2007. 34 Vic Sison. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 48.
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A Philippine journalist, Sylvia Mayuga, compared colors in relation to the opponents. Yellow for Aquino and the colors of the Philippine flag, red, white, and blue, for Marcos. Yellow was a symbol for warmth and longing, homage to Benigno Aquino. Aquino supporters would wave the L-sign representing Laban!35 While red, white, and blue were linked to the color of mourning, black. When the opposition would see the colors of the flag, they would be facing death. This represented the possibility of what could happen to them under their own flag at rallies or at the ballot boxes against Marcos supporters who were their own people.36 Marcos supporters tended to wear the red, white and blue shirts that read Marcos Pa Rin!37
Though he is not Filipino, Stephen Ames Sr., who was a sergeant in security, was stationed in the Philippines at Clark Air Base during the presidential campaign. He described the time as scary because he was only 21 years old and had responsibilities in the intelligence community. He had to pass through 20-30,000 Philippine people going to and from the base with tensions that were already high during the time of the campaigns. When asked whether other rallies in neighboring islands were like those around the base, he said that the rallies on neighboring islands were very comparable to those around the base. The rallies in America could not compare to the rallies he witnessed in the Philippines. He compared the peaceful squatter rallies in America to the very high possibility of violent outbreak in the Philippine rallies.38
Emmanuel Catania from Australia said that during the presidential campaign and after the snap election, he tried to stay away from the Philippines because of the violence that were going on at the time. He previously visited the Philippines three to four times a year for business
35 English translation from Tagalog: Fight! 36 Sylvia Mayuga. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 49. 37 English translation from Tagalog: Still Marcos! 38 Stephen Ames, Sr. interview, conducted by Karen Ames, Oct. 12, 2007
Ames 9 ventures but during that time opted against these visits. What he heard while he was away was not pleasant, with killings and violence at rallies, especially during the election.39
On the day of the election there were problems at all the ballot boxes. Supporters were stealing the boxes, buying votes, even forcing votes at gunpoint. Stephen Ames, Sr. and Emmanuel Catanis said there were disputes and accusations flying from both sides of voting fraud on local television shows and balloting locations. Ames heard many rumors of what was taking place at the polls, but could not go further with what happened on Election Day.40
Aida Abatayo Schafer commented that though she could not vote it was chaotic on Election Day. She thought it was more chaotic in Manila, since it is was location of Marcos, than in Pakigne where she lived.41 Daisy was unable to vote not because of her age, but because of her job. She was able to attend the rally, yet on the day of the elections, her boss would not let her leave to vote and was unable to get to the voting polls in time.42 Many legitimate voters were unable to vote, but “flying voters” were able to register. Though the turnout for voting was steady in the morning, flying voters came at the end of Election Day to use names of people that didn’t or were unable to vote.43
Around the 1950’s, the National Movement of Free Elections, NAMFREL, and the Commission on Elections, COMELEC, worked together to keep the elections clean and fair. Moving closer to the later years of the Marcos regime, NAMFREL no longer worked with COMELEC but tried to work against the growing biased group that was in favor of Marcos.
39 Emmanuel Catania interview, conducted by Karen Ames, Oct. 20, 2007. 40 Stephen Ames, Sr. interview, conducted by Karen Ames, Oct. 12, 2007 41 Aida Abatayo Schafer interview, conducted by Karen Ames, Oct. 13, 2007. 42 Daisy Catania interview, conducted by Karen Ames, Oct. 13, 2007. 43 Vicente Paterno. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 72.
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Aquino could only count on NAMFREL in having volunteers watch over the ballot boxes for protection from fraud or from any other shady plans that the Marcos supporters had made.44
When the ballot boxes were collected some were stolen or destroyed. Vicente Paterno witnessed at one of the polls, volunteers surrounded each box with at least four people. The following box would be surrounded by four more people, which created a procession of people and ballot boxes to the municipal hall. When they arrived, those that surrounded the boxes were chanting and singing Bayan Ko45.46 At another balloting place, Vic Puyat, a NAMFREL volunteer, witnessed at Pio del Pilar, not the balloting volunteers who were chased away by Marcos supporters, but residents who tied the ballot boxes together with rope and carried them chanting and cheering to the another municipal hall. He said these residents were “welcomed as heroes”.47 According to Francisco S. Tatad, volunteers worked to keep the voting at the ballot boxes fair, but that didn’t stop supporters for Marcos to buy votes from voters.48
Eric Enriquez, a student taking pictures of Election Day for NAMFREL, heard there was vote-buying going on just a couple blocks from the polling center he was at. When he reached the location, there was a line of people receiving money for their votes through a screen door at an apartment. He was able to take a couple of pictures before the person buying the votes closed the main door.49 It is said that Marcos went about vote buying to make sure that he stayed in office. The cheating was so widespread that the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines “strongly condemned the conduct of the election”.50
44 ed. Carl H. Lande. Rebuilding A Nation: Philippine Challenges and American Policy. 20-21. 45 English translation from Tagalog: My Homeland. 46 Vicente Paterno. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 73 47 Vic Puyat. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 73. 48 Francisco S. Tatad. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 67. 49 Eric Enriquez. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 69. 50 Dr. Florida C. Leuterio, 167.
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When the votes started to tally, NAMFREL had an unofficial tally that showed that Aquino was ahead. Yet the state controlled media showed Marcos with the majority. During the counting of the votes, Marcos claimed that NAMFREL was there to cheat him out of votes. Tatad said President Reagan seemed to ignore the fraudulent votes and “embrace Marcos”.51 When word of how Reagan compared her to Marcos, Aquino was furious and told an American supporter, Ambassador Stephen W. Bosworth, who was reporting back to Washington D.C. what was happening during the elections. Bosworth was in shock that Reagan thought Aquino was behind the voting fraud and not Marcos.52 It seemed that President Reagan was not paying attention to the information provided by American intelligence on Marcos’s abuses throughout the elections, but rather on what he was told by his wife who was carrying a telephone conversation with Imelda Marcos at the time. 53
Even Tom Wicker of the New York Times thought this was odd that Reagan was accusing fraud on both sides. Wicker said, “On both sides? Up to that moment, no one but Ferdinand Marcos, not even an unbiased observer, had suggested that any violence or fraud had been perpetrated by supporters of his challenger, Corazon Aquino.” Senator Richard Lugar stated that “despite the fraud and violence of Marcos supporters”, Marcos was unable to show that he was the clear winner in this election battle. Even when asked for evidence to support the Aquino fraud, Reagan was unable to produce any. 54
Reagan finally acknowledged that Marcos was behind the fraud and violence of February presidential elections on Feb. 15.55 This weakened the American support for Marcos regime even
51 Francisco S. Tatad. Monina Allarey Mercado, 67. 52 Stanley Karnow, 44. 53 Stanley Karnow, 43. 54 Tom Wicker, “Letting Reagan Go Unchallenged”, New York Times, February 14, 1986, A35. 55 Stanley Karnow, 44.
Ames 12 more since the assassination of Benigno Aquino.56 Shortly after the acknowledgement of Reagan, Marcos announced his victory in the February presidential elections.57 He said, “I am the President. They are not going to drive me out, because the people are behind me.”58
Aquino declared herself victor in the elections and demanded that Marcos hand over the presidential power to her. If he refused, Aquino would have the Philippine people join her in a “passive resistance” until he submitted to her demands.59 This led to series of boycotts and strikes against the government by the Philippine people, with Corazon Aquino leading them.60
To keep himself in office, Marcos claimed a coup that was intended for him was stopped. The leaders of this “coup” were Enrile and Ramos, who were two military leaders that had withdrawn their support for Marcos when they believed that Corazon Aquino won and barricaded themselves at Camp Aguinaldo and Camp Crame, which were just across from each other on Epifanio de los Santos Avenue.61 Benigno Aquino’s brother and the Catholic Church asked the Philippine people to help these leaders against Marcos. The Philippine people not only provided supplies and support, they also poured onto EDSA, creating the EDSA Revolution or also known as the People Power. Corazon Aquino’s security would not allow her to leave to go to EDSA, but she couldn’t leave the people. She said “it is all my doing” and they could either take her or she would go by herself.62
Clyde Haberman of the New York Times said, “The people have become a very strong weapon.” Marcos had lost the support and was challenged by the Philippine people, deserted by most of the army, condemned by the Catholic Church, and frowned upon by diplomats that were
56 Dr. Florida C. Leuterio, 168. 57 Stanley Karnow, 44. 58 Seth Mydans, “Aquino Proposes Nonviolent Moves to Dispose Marcos”, New York Times, Feb. 17, 1986, A1. 59 Ed. Carl H. Lande, 23. 60 Seth Mydans, “Aquino Proposes Nonviolent Moves to Dispose Marcos”, New York Times, Feb. 17, 1986, A1. 61 Ed. Carl H. Lande , 23. 62 Corazon Aquino. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 209.
Ames 13 former Marcos supporters. The people turned away from the dictatorship of Marcos and looked towards Aquino’s promise of “nonviolent resistance against the illicit Marcos Regime.63 Nuns gathered the courage to face the army of Marcos and were in the front lines.64 The people ate and slept on the EDSA forming a human barricade for three days and four nights in protest to Marcos.65
Maximo V. Soliven, a Philippine newspaper publisher, commented that even though the military came to disperse the crowd, the people stood their ground. “They pleaded with the soldiers to go back, or else join the revolution.” The only time the people broke away was when they were on the verge of being harmed by the soldiers.66 Sister Sheila Lucey said “Along EDSA: yellow, Cory Aquino’s campaign, also associated with the hope surrounding Ninoy’s return, was everywhere.” The people met the military tanks at EDSA on Monday and Tuesday of the Revolution without fear.67
At Philippine Mission for the United Nations, Narciso M. Reyes Jr. and Virgilio A. Reyes both called on Marcos to step down from the from the Philippine government and pass the presidential power to Aquino.68 Yet on February 25, Amado L. Lacuesta Jr., a screenwriter, saw not only saw the taping of Cory Aquino’s inauguration but for Ferdinand Marcos as well. The only difference was Ferdinand Marcos left the Presidential palace shortly after the inauguration cutting the ceremony for Marcos short, which brought relief to Lacuesta.69
Marcos supporters were saddened at the fact that Marcos was leaving, not just the office but also the country in exile. Ray Dante L. Sonoso, a Marcos loyalist, was deeply touched by
63 Tom Wicker, “A Strong Weapon”, New York Times, February 25, 1986, A31. 64 “Rebirth in the Philippines”, New York Times, February 26, 1986, A22. 65 Dr. Florida C. Leuterio, 172. 66 Maximo V. Soliven. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 208-209. 67 Sister Sheila Lucey. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 230-231. 68 Michael Norman, “More Philippine Diplomats Quit Marcos Side”, New York Times, February 25, 1986, A15. 69 Amado L. Lacuesta, Jr. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 230.
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Marcos’ last speech in the Philippines. He volunteered to defend the Malacanang Presidential Palace after Marcos left from possible attacks of Enrile and Ramos supporters. Yet there were those that went to the inauguration of Marcos for the money they were promised, like Lilia Capreso who needed the money to buy rice for her family. Or there were those, like Delfin Quiambao, who was there for the food. Quiambao said that when the food was announced, the 500 people that were there ran towards it and no one was left to listen to Marcos. 70
When Marcos left the palace, Stephen Ames, Sr. was present at the evacuation of the ex-president, which was arranged by President Reagan to bring Marcos to Hawaii for asylum. Marcos and his family were escorted to Clark Air Base for a week before they finally left the Philippines for Hawaii. Stephen Ames, Sr. said that everyone at the base was very tense because of the extra security needed due to the presence of the Marcos’s. Assigned a special duty that included protecting Marcos, Stephen Ames, Sr. said, “It was a happy day” when Marcos left for Hawaii. “The country just basically went on a holiday for a week.”71
Max Soliven said that those who fought long and sacrificed much going up against Marcos deserved their “hour of triumph” after the inauguration of Corazon Aquino at Sampanguita Hall of Club Filipino. Yet they could not celebrate for long because the battle was still not over and “it is darkest just before the dawn.”72 When word reached the people that Marcos had left the presidential palace the celebration was even greater for the Philippine people. Workers of the DYFM Station of Bombo Radio in Iloilo received reports that Marcos leaving for Clark Air Base at about 9:20 pm. About ten minutes later, Jenil Demorito confirmed these reports of Marcos leaving the Malacanang presidential palace. A witness described the reaction in the radio station of the workers shortly after the confirmation:
70 Ray Dantel L. Sonoso. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 236. 71 Stephen Ames, Sr. interview, conducted by Karen Ames, Oct. 12, 2007 72 Max Soliven. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 236.
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At that moment, revelry broke loose inside the DYFM station. Everyone was dancing and shouting. Later on, we learned that the same thing happened in all the other Bombo stations and in the streets. People everywhere danced in mad revelry.73
Even before Marcos had left the country, Corazon Aquino was already exercising the newly gained presidential power. Informing the most powerful men in the country what their position and what their responsibilities would be in her cabinet. Her husband’s family said that it amazed them that she had so much strength for a housewife. It astonished all of them.74 Corazon Aquino said,
I am not doing it for Cory Aquino but for the people who are hoping and praying. I have done everything humanly possible for my candidacy in presenting to the people the need for a change. Now only God can intervene.75
Corazon Aquino helped the people realize that they can stand up for what they believed in even if they faced Marcos supporters who threatened their lives. Those that were inspired ranged from high school students to those who were terminally ill to the elderly that walked an entire day to get to rallies.76 Not only were people amazed by the strength of Aquino, but Aquino, herself, was amazed by those who were brave enough to face the possibility of death for what they believe in.77
Though there were doubts about her competency, there were many that admired her. Stephen Ames, Sr. said she was a brave woman to do what she did, a woman of high integrity.78 Emmanuel Catania said though the country had many problems that would take generations to figure out, Corazon Aquino helped the ball get rolling, especially in trying to unite the Philippines at the rallies on the different islands. It was a change that was overdue in the
73 DYFM Station. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 240. 74 “From a Symbol to a Leader: The Rise of Corazon Aquino; From Symbol to Leader: Corazon Aquino’s Rise”, New York Times, February 26, 1986, A1. 75 Corazon Aquino. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 252. 76 Maximo V. Soliven. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 208-209. 77 Corazon Aquino. Ed. Monina Allarey Mercado, 209. 78 Stephen Ames, Sr. interview, conducted by Karen Ames, Oct. 12, 2007
Ames 16 country.79 Aida Abatayo Schafer said that Corazon Aquino did the best that she could to unite the Filipinos against the Marcos regime.80
To the majority of the people in the Philippines, Aquino was the light at the end of a dark tunnel. The “yellow” of Aquino compared to the “black” of Marcos. To those around the world, there were mixed feelings of what happened in the Philippines. Especially of those in high political positions that were unsure of whom to believe at the time. In the end the support of Aquino grew and overcame the corruption of Marcos, as some would say.81 The reactions of people in the Philippines and around the world are similar when discussing Ferdinand Marcos and Corazon Aquino. They saw Marcos as a dictator that was needed to be removed from office and Aquino as the person to step up to overcome him. Yet there were the few who saw a great leader fall and sent into exile. Ferdinand Marcos and Corazon Aquino were quite the opposites. Their obvious differences were analyzed and taken apart by all those that watched closely to what happened in the Philippines. Though there were still hurdles for Aquino to jump over, there was a great sigh of relief and a heavy burden lift off from the people of the Philippines.
79 Emmanuel Catania interview, conducted by Karen Ames, Oct. 20, 2007. 80 Aida Abatayo Schafer interview, conductedby Karen Ames, Oct. 13, 2007. 81 Emmanuel Catania interview, conducted by Karen Ames, Oct. 20, 2007.
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Primary sources
Friend, Theodore, David Steinberg, Wilfredo F. Arce, Ricardo G. Abad, and others. Crisis in the Philippines: The Marcos Era and Beyond. Edited by John Bresnan. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986.
Lande, Carl H., Emmanuel M. Pelaez, Stephen J. Solarz, Theodore Friend and others. Rebuilding A Nation. Edited by Carl H. Lande. Washington D.C.: The Washington Institute Press, 1987
Mercado, Monina Allarey. An Eyewitness History People Power: The Philippine Revolution of 1986. Manilla: James B. Reuter, S.J. Foundation, 1986.
Alexander Abatayo interview, Conducted by Karen Ames. Oct. 7, 2007
Stephen Ames, Sr. interview, Conducted by Karen Ames. Oct. 12, 2007
Daisy Catania. interview, Conducted by Karen Ames. Oct. 13, 2007
Emmanuel Catania interview, Conducted by Karen Ames. Oct. 20, 2007
Aida Abatayo Schafer interview, Conducted by Karen Ames. Oct. 13, 2007
Burton, Sandra. “Woman of the Year”. Time Magazine. 1987
Butterfield, Fox. “High Philippine Communist Sees Little Chance for a Lasting Peace”. New York Times, Mar. 15, 1986.
“Corazon Aquino”. New York Times, Dec. 12, 1985.
“From a Symbol to a Leader: The Rise of Corazon Aquino; From Symbol to Leader: Corazon Aquino’s Rise”. New York Times, February 26, 1986. A1.
Fuerbringer, Jonathan. “Some in Congress Favor More Aid for Philippines”. New York Times, Feb. 26 1986.
Mydans, Seth. “Aquino Proposes Nonviolent Moves to Dispose Marcos”. New York Times, Feb. 15, 1986. A1.
Mydans, Seth. “Aquino’s Widow Says She Will Run Against Marcos”. New York Times, Dec. 3, 1985. A10.
Mydans, Seth. “President Marcos is Judge and Jury too”. New York Times, Dec. 29, 1985. E2.
Norman, Michael. “More Philippine Diplomats Quit Marcos Side”. New York Times, February 25, 1986. A15.
“The Truth and Ferdinand Marcos”. New York Times, Jan. 27, 1986. A26.
Wicker, Tom. “A Strong Weapon”. New York Times, February 25, 1986. A31.
Ames 18
Wicker, Tom. “Letting Reagan Go Unchallenged”. New York Times, February 14, 1986. A35.
Secondary sources
Karnow, Stanley. In Our Image: America’s Empire in the Philippines. New York: Foreign Policy Association, 1989.
Leuterio, Dr. Florida C. Philippines: History & Government. Manila: St. Augustine Publications, INC, 1998.
Geron, Kim, Enrique de la Cruz, Leland T. Saito, Jaideep Singh. “Asian Pacific Americans’ Social Movements and Interest Groups”. PS: Political Science and Politics 34, No. 3 (Sept. 2001), as shown on JSTOR.
Ruland, Jurgen. “Constitutional Debates in the Philippines: From Presidentialism to Parliamentarianism?”. Asian Survey 43, No. 3 (May 2003), as shown on JSTOR.
Thomas, Mark R. “Off the Endangered List: Philippine Democratization in Comparative Perspective”. Comparative Politics 28, No. 2 (Jan. 1996), as shown on JSTOR.