John Clarke and Chas Critcher (1995) argue that there is an inequality of leisure opportunity ' (ibid., p247), and that this is made up of two aspects they term material and cultural '(ibid., p247). They describe the material aspect as being the access to key resources ' (ibid., p248), these include time and money. This material aspect can be described as a constraint to leisure, because simply if you do not process the time you cannot have or gain the leisure, it is a constraint preventing your leisure from occurring. Clarke and Critcher (1995) argue that the cultural aspect of the inequality of leisure is the perception of what is appropriate leisure behaviour ' (ibid., p248) for a member of a particular social group. These perceptions are socially constructed, and may be based on a number of factors, gender stereotype for example. They are crucially held by people in a position to enforce these expectations. This cultural constraint can be described as a constraint through leisure as it is reflecting and perpetuating the inequalities present in society, and acts as a further agent for social division. Therefore leisure could be seen as a mirror, echoing societies inequalities. However, Clarke and Critcher (1995) also note, that leisure does more than reflect social divisions, it realises them, so that leisure becomes one of the means by which social divisions receive expression and validation.
There are many factors that influence leisure, and these all lead to further inequality of leisure opportunity ' (ibid., p247) as Clarke and Critcher (1995) described. These factors may be class, race and gender among others. They often appear together and intersect, as there is no one primary influence on leisure. For this argument, gender is a key dimension in understanding the form and inequalities in leisure, it can also be used to illustrate Clarke and Critcher 's (1995) material and cultural constraints. But first it is crucial to describe what is gender?
Gender is defined as the cultural and social aspect of sexuality. Gender differences are important at the level of personal identity, and more broadly as a base of social classification and differentiation, so it is not surprisingly it affects leisure as well.
(Harris, D., 2005, Key Concepts in Leisure Studies, Sage: London, p125)
As Harris (2005) describes gender is seen as being socially constructed and can play a crucial role in shaping leisure inequalities, as it does social inequalities. Again we see leisure as a mirror for society. So with gender defined we can move on to the Green, E., Hebron, S. and Woodwood, D 's (1990) article. In this article there are numerous examples of where Clarke and Critcher 's (1995) concepts are illustrated and supported. In their article Green, E., Hebron, S. and Woodwood, D (1990) interviewed wives and mothers, a key finding from the respondents was that they never had sufficient time to clean and polish. ' (Green, E. et.al., 1990, Women 's Leisure, What Leisure?, London: MacMillan, p117) If they had insufficient time to clean and tidy how would it be possible to participant in leisure activities, this is a clear example of a material constraint to leisure, lack of time. This was found to be true of most wives and mothers. This is not only an example of a material constraint, if explored further a cultural constraint becomes evident. Tiredness associated with the burden of unpaid domestic work which they are expected to assume. ' (ibid., p117) The cultural constraint that is illustrated here is that society expects the wife ' to take on and complete the domestic work. This has arisen from gender stereotypes that were created centuries ago, where men were seen as the bread winners ', going out to paid work, the hunters ', in contrast the women stayed at home and cooked ' and acted as a good wife '. The article shows that these stereotypes are very evident today. The article goes on to discuss the link between gender and drinking, and in particular the limits of decent ' behaviour.
Traditionally female activities that accord with ideologies of femininity (such as aerobics, keep fit, flower arranging and coffee mornings) are approved and deemed acceptable, others, such as a night out on the town visiting pubs or discos unaccompanied by male partners, are not '. (ibid., p121)
This quote again demonstrates a cultural constraint for women 's leisure, because activities that correspondent and agree with the concepts of femininity are acceptable, those that do not are frowned upon. There are a seemingly endless number of examples of material and cultural constraints to leisure surrounding the concept of gender. Ranging from the material, lack of funds, to the cultural, women worried about being alone after dark ' (Green, E., Hebron, S. and Woodward, D. Women 's Leisure Today ' in C. Critcher et.al.,1995, Sociology of Leisure: A Reader. London: E+FN Spon, p135) there is such an array of factors contributing to the inequality of leisure opportunity '. (ibid., p247)
I myself have experienced both directly and indirectly material and cultural constraints to leisure. During my A-levels, my peers and I would find time to play five-aside football at the local sports arena at the weekend. It may have only been an hour but it was welcome relief from the pressures of school. However it was not cheap, and as students some of us struggled to afford it, this material constraint lead to some weeks not having enough to play, so we all missed out. Time became a second material constraint as A-level examinations loomed, and the revision timetable seemed to engulf our lives. Through five-aside football I also was indirectly exposed to cultural constraints of leisure; racism came in the form of chanting, banana throwing, monkey chanting and songs.` (Cyrille Regis, 1998 quoted in Garland, G. and Rowe, M., 2001, Racism and Anti-Racism in Football, Hampshire: Palgrave, p5) One of my black friends suffered racial abuse when we played, from a small number of spectators. On one occasion it became so severer he walked of the pitch. This cultural constraint should not have prevented him from participating. I witnessed a second example of a cultural constraint again whilst playing football. A female friend expressed her desire to play, however it was laughed of by my male peers a girl cannot play footy '. Of course there was no reason why she could not join in, she was just as skilful, even more so than many of the males, admittedly she may not have been as strong but there was no real reason. Except perhaps male pride, a girl could not be seen to be better at football, a sport that encapsulates all that is masculine. It also highlights the male dominance of the sport, and also of the public sphere. This was another example where a woman was forced to take the back seat.
Word Count 898 minus quotations and referencing
BIBLIOGRAPHY
PRIMARY SOURCES:
Clarke, J. and Critcher, C. Leisure and Inequality ' in Critcher, C., Bramham, P. and Tomilinson, A., 1995, Sociology of Leisure: A Reader. London: E+FN Spon
Green, E., Hebron, S. and Woodward, D. Women 's Leisure Today ' in Critcher, C., Bramham, P. and Tomilinson, A., 1995, Sociology of Leisure: A Reader. London: E+FN Spon
Green, E., Hebron, S. and Woodward, D. 1990, Women 's Leisure, What Leisure?, London: MacMillan
Harris, D., 2005, Key Concepts in Leisure Studies, London: Sage
Garland, G. and Rowe, M., 2001, Racism and Anti-Racism in Football, Hampshire: Palgrave
Bibliography: PRIMARY SOURCES: Clarke, J. and Critcher, C. ‘Leisure and Inequality ' in Critcher, C., Bramham, P. and Tomilinson, A., 1995, Sociology of Leisure: A Reader. London: E+FN Spon Green, E., Hebron, S. and Woodward, D. ‘Women 's Leisure Today ' in Critcher, C., Bramham, P. and Tomilinson, A., 1995, Sociology of Leisure: A Reader. London: E+FN Spon Green, E., Hebron, S. and Woodward, D. 1990, Women 's Leisure, What Leisure?, London: MacMillan Harris, D., 2005, Key Concepts in Leisure Studies, London: Sage Garland, G. and Rowe, M., 2001, Racism and Anti-Racism in Football, Hampshire: Palgrave
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