A Loyalist Life Be Damned by Colonists: Freedom and Revolution

Topics: British Empire, American Revolution, United States Declaration of Independence Pages: 7 (2407 words) Published: December 5, 2011
Thomas Shults


“A Loyalist Life Be Damned By Colonists”

At a time of great uncertainty in our nation’s history, many people questioned certain decisions made. This was done by some of history’s most notable names: Samuel Adams, George Washington, John Hancock, and so on. Patriots is what we would call these fine American men. The men listed stood for freedom from Great Britain and her empire. The rule of King George III was getting to be stressful and unbearable. Taxes being created due to “unruly acts” by Britain’s colonists. A revolution was born due to these acts. Yet for we have come to know that for every protest group started, there is an opponent. For the colonial patriots, there were the loyalists to the British Empire. These loyalist were against what Samuel Adams and The Sons of Liberty stood for. The loyalist had no intention of going against Britain and her rule. They felt that Britain was looking out for the colonists and was only making the colonies better. Such loyalists insisted that British soldiers be looked after and even treated like family. Some loyalists went so far as to call the cry for independence the same as killing ties with Britain. Take Reverend Samuel Seabury for example. The Reverend wrote a document titled “A View of the Controversy between Great Britain and her Colonies” in 1774. This critique was written to criticize the First Continental Congress. In this critique, Seabury goes into how the colonies are one with Great Britain. He even goes as far as saying “The British colonies make a part of the British empire. As parts of the body they must be subject to the general laws of the body” (Seabury, 1774). This statement actually holds true in that the colonies are indeed part of the British Empire. With that being said, Seabury feels that the colonies are hereby bound by

Shults British law to Britain. That could be compared to today’s society in that the fifty states in the country that was built from this revolution now have to follow Congress’ laws from the Constitution.


Seabury goes against the Continental Congress calling for independence by comparing it to the human body. He makes this comparison by saying “To talk of a colony independent of the Mother Country, is no better sense than to talk of a limb independent of the body to which it belongs” (Seabury, 1774). The comparison makes sense in that a limb in the body cannot function without the entire body and the body’s brain. The body of the colonies is that of the British Empire and the Empire’s brain is the British Parliament, as well as the King. One main issue that the colonist protested was that of taxation. There was the famous line said by many colonists, “No taxation without representation.” The colonists had felt that the British government had violated the guaranteed Rights of Englishmen. However, Parliament disregarded those accusations saying the colonists were “virtually represented.” Seabury sticks with Parliament in saying “...legislation and taxation must be conjoined” (Seabury, 1774). He feels the British government has the right to raise or create any tax to support the British government and that it is incontestable. Certain men who fought against Britain felt that the taxation created a source of slavery for the British empire. Thomas Paine, who wrote the famous Common Sense during this time period, wrote another not as well known article. This article was read by General George Washington before the Battle of Trenton and famous Crossing of the Delaware River. This article is known as The American Crisis, Number 1. Written in 1776, the purpose of this article was to instill confidence in a weakened Continental Army. In it, Paine states that Britain has

Shults instilled slavery into the colonies through taxation. Paine says, “Britain...has declared, that she has a right (not only to TAX) but ‘to BIND us in ALL CASES WHATSOEVER,’ and if being bound in that manner is not slavery, then is there...
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