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Kabul, Afghanistan

ECONOMIC IMPACTS OF PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM ON MUTI-ETHNIC AFGHANISTAN A short academic research dissertation

Submitted to: Mr. JACQUET Gilles-Emmanuel, Thesis Methodology Course Provider

July 2012 JAMAL Mohammad Mustafa (40183-10)

Acknowledgement I hereby thank Mr. Jacquet Gilles-Emmanuel for his thoughtful lectures on Theses Methodology and providing very helpful materials from reputable institutions. Special thanks to Mr. Amir Noori, Dean of Economy Faculty, Mr. Jawad Sultani, Dean of Social Sciences Faculty and Mr. Sayed Ishaq, Economy Faculty member at Ibn-e-Sina Higher Education Institute and Prof. Abdul Wassay Haqiqi, former Advisor to the Ministers of Commerce, Economy and Finance for granting me exclusive interviews.

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Table of Contents

Acknowledgement. Table of Contents.

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Introduction and background. . Parliamentary System. . .

Legislators influence on enforcement of laws.

National Budget.

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Poverty reduction programs. Conclusion. Bibliography. . . . .

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Mohammad Mustafa Jamal (40183-10) Economic impacts of parliamentary system in multi-ethnic Afghanistan Introduction and background: QOWM – a basic denomination largely used in Afghanistan to describe ethnic and tribal affiliation, best translated as ‘solidarity group’ (SIMONSEN SVEN, Ethnicising Afghanistan; 2004, P. 708). This term is largely used in the country, as Afghanistan

accommodates multi ethnic groups such as Pashtuns, Tajiks, Hazaras, Uzbeks and others geographically inhabited in different parts of the country [Map 1]. The history of inter-ethnic relations is proud of coexistence, diversity but tolerance it and

also contains

unequal opportunities and severe conflicts (SIMONSEN SVEN,

Ethnicising Afghanistan; 2004, P. 709). The conflicts are rooted to the Pashtun royal family’s Map 1

monopoly over political power for some 250 years as argued by non-Pashtuns; this has created a ‘national oppression’ (WEERA & MICULAN; 2011). “The attempt to exercise centralized power usually associated with the Pashtun ethnic community which forms about 38 per cent of the total population, has too often been experienced by other elements in Afghan society as a form of domination and exclusion, creating dissidence and resistance in response.” (CAMERON; 2011) The most extreme case, still echoing, was the oppression under Abdul Rahman Khan whose policy was to subjugate all opponents and complete the full centralization of the state. He massacred at least more than half of the country’s largest ethnic group of his time - the Hazaras who were forming 67 per cent of the population that time, by employing Pashtun

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tribes-men to repress Hazara resistance, their method being confiscating Hazara’s land, killing and looting them (Minority Rights Group Int.) (LAMER & FOSTER, Afghan Ethnic Groups; 2011, P. 4) . He did this inciting ethnic and religious hatred following his policy of ‘divide-and-rule’. M Nazif Shahrani writes, “[The] sociology of Pashtun dominance over the other ethnic communities in the country forms the very substance of political developments and state building in Afghanistan.” (SHAHRANI; 1986) He refers to the emergence of Afghan state in mid18th century and the rising power of the Pashtun tribes. In the recent years of conflict the situation remained highly tough. However, in the agreement signed in December 2011 in Bonn, Germany after the fall of Taliban regime, it was agreed that the interim government would be broad-based, gender sensitive, multi-ethnic and fully representative. The new constitution adopted in 2004 provides for a strong presidency, there will be two vice-presidents, presumably other ethnic than that of the president....
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