Final
4001 assignment 1
Field notes
We have chosen Lai Lai coffee shop for our participant observation, a 24 hour coffee shop that is affectionately known as ‘“extension” among NTU students due to its geographical proximity to the university, and thus its popularity especially for those who lived in halls of residences. However, the focus of our project is not on NTU students alone but instead, on the interactions, usage, and the negotiation of space within the coffee shop, a commonplace to dine and bond to many heartlanders in Singapore.
First visit
Our first visit was on Monday, February 02, 2015, from 4p.m. to 5.45p.m. It was pouring and pretty cold as our clothes were soaked from the rain. The coffee shop was less than half filled, though it appeared busier due to the pasar malam right beside it. There was not anyone who came in to sit or rest so as to wait for the rain to stop.
This coffee shop is huge. It can be divided into three main sections (refer to annex 1): a) region right in front of the drinks stall where we were seated; b) section in front of the Western food stall; and c) the tze char (also known as Chinese cuisine) region which is almost empty with the exception of two staffs as business has yet to start. For the sake of convenience, we will refer to these three sections as section A, B, and C respectively hereafter.
I (Xiu Juan) could not help but noticed that the two television sets were switched off, which is peculiar for a coffee shop. Could it be that they will only switch it on in the evening? If that is the case, it is indeed strange that one television was completely hidden behind the yellow banner.
A plethora of labels and signage greeted us as soon as we have settled down. Five large yellow banners (refer to annex 1 and 2) that serve as a reminder to customers to minimise their volume at night are placed in conspicuous locations: one covering the television at section B, and two that run parallel to the Western food stall; and another two at section A wherein one is also placed parallel to the food stalls, and the other at right-angle to the parallel one, located at the far end of section A where one of the smoking zone is. It is an understatement to say that the yellow banners are highly visible — they are encircling almost the whole of sections A and B.
Besides the yellow banners, there are also the symbolic yellow paint delineating the smoking zones, and labels with green capitalised word “SMOKING PERMITTED IN THIS AREA” coupled with a lighted cigarette, pasted near pillars of the smoking zones at sections A and B respectively (refer to annex 3). Other signage includes reminders to not feed the birds and that pets are not allowed in the premises (refer to annex 4). There were a couple of elderly men near where we were seated, so we inferred that this sign probably existed as a result of elderly male patrons with feeding habits, which is not uncommon in Singapore.
Unexpectedly, no one chased us away although we did not make any purchases.
Most friends sitting at same table were of the same gender. Individual patrons would choose to have a table to themselves due to the availability of seats in the mid-afternoon.
Orders were made by waving at the stall assistants of the drinks stall, in contrast to the food stall wherein customers queued to place their order and waited at the stall till the food is ready.
Four elderly men seated at outskirt of the coffee shop nearer to the HDB flats briefly chatted to another elderly uncle on bicycle before he rode away. They appeared to be acquainted.
Most smokers adhere to legislations, only lighting up at either of the two smoking zones. These smokers would choose to sit at the smoking areas for the sake of convenience. On the other hand, we did not spot any patrons who were non-smokers seated at the smoking zones. This is probably because of the abundance of seats available in the non-peak dining hours.
Individual patrons tend to stay for a short time, mostly leaving once their meals were completed. There were only a few exceptions: one middle age men who read the newspaper leisurely and a couple of males in their early 20s using their mobile devices like handphone or Ipad. Notably, female customers who came individually did not stay for long.
The coffee shop was generally dirty; filled with litter such as the wrappers of disposable chopsticks and used tissue paper. Many tables were not cleared and thus there were less choices for diners to choose where they wish to sit. There was a general avoidance to not dine on the table that was not yet cleared and cleaned.
Unlike hawker centres, there were no designated tray return corners. Thus, it was a common practice to leave the dishes and trays on tables after finishing a meal.
Second visit
We made our second visit on February 03, 2015, from 9p.m. to 10.40p.m. This night visit enabled a better understanding for the need of the yellow banners. It was bustling with crowd and generally very noisy. Our plan to eavesdrop on the conversation of others came to a halt due to the sheer noise everyone was contributing to. It was indeed more crowded in the evening than mid-afternoon. Although it was already quite late, there were still many people having dinner or supper. The television sets were still not turned on, and coupled with the strong presence of the yellow banners, it was intended to minimise the noise level as much as possible.
Many customers were still drinking tea or coffee despite this late timing. In comparison to our first visit, more people were drinking beer this time.
In contrast with the mid-afternoon crowd, the evening crowd was more diverse. There were many families visiting together, mostly donned in casual clothes. They were likely to be residents residing in neighbouring HDB flats.
NS men either in small or large groups of 2 to 6 were also dining. Despite sitting in relatively close proximity, these different SAF groups did not have any interactions across different tables. The majority of them were in green NS tee shirt, black shorts, and slippers, with only a few minorities donned formal SAF No. 4 uniforms. There were two separate groups of SAF men dressed in green tee shirt who were in the coffee shop before we came, and stayed on even when we left, spending a significant amount of time in the coffee shop.
Tables near the tze char stall were nearly filled. This reaffirms our observations that most people would choose to sit near the stall they patronised. Although there was no formal signage or explicit rules that restrict the tables near tze char stall for their own customers, everyone was aware and abided by this implicit rule.
In a bid to explore whether this rule is strictly reinforced, we conducted a mini experiment by occupying seats at the tze char area (Section C) to see if we would elicit any response from the shop assistants. We were just making our way to the table when one tze char stall assistant asked “Yao chi ma? (do you want to eat?)” This is a loaded question as she assumed that we knew that she was referring to food from the tze char stall. This simple question also seems to have the effect of prompting customers to patronize their stall.
We shook our heads and chose a table surrounded by tze char customers and sat. The locality of this table was implicitly understood to be reserved for the tze char stall. There were tissue boxes (refer to annex 5) strategically placed on most tables at section C. These were meant for their customers and appeared to be a mean for the tze char stall to reserve tables for their customers. These tissue boxes also serve to mark the territory of the tze char stall, making it known to other stallholders and customers.
As soon as we were seated, another assistant approached and asked “Ji wei? (For how many people?)” I (Xiu Juan) replied that we were just sitting there. However, she did not seem to comprehend my response and appeared to be truly puzzled. Thus, Phyllis lied by saying that we were waiting for our friends in order to continue to observe what would happen next.
While we were there, two female tze char assistants started keeping the foldable tables although it was only 10pm (this coffee shop operates for 24 hours daily). While Phyllis had gone elsewhere to take photos, a third female assistant asked me (Xiu Juan) the same question as the first one. When I replied that I am not eating, she asked expressionlessly, “Ke yi zuo na bian ma? (Can you sit over there?)”, and pointed to the interior of the coffee shop that is, section A and B. Although we were not seated at the foldable tables which belonged to the tze char stalls, it seems like we had flouted a rule that was taken for granted. She then placed her menu on our table and stood next to me for the next one minute or so before Phyllis came back. When we came back to check on section C later, it turns out that their staffs occupied our table for their dinner after we left.
Just within a span of 15 minutes, three female tze char staff approached us. This stood in contrast to our prior experiences at sections A and B, where we were not approached, questioned, nor chased by any one. We noted that all three assistants who approached us are females. There appeared to be a gendered division of labour as tasks including taking orders, serving food, clearing tables were done by female, whereas men were responsible for the more laborious task of cooking.
The majority of the customers at tze char stall were Chinese, with the only exception of an Indian family. Most Indians were seated near the prata section where we were usually seated, and this corresponded to their choice of food — Indian cuisine.
There were more beer promoters this time. All were women. Some beer promoters had brief (1 sentence) conversations with their customers. For instance, one asked whether her customer wants to eat her dessert while walking past him quickly. It appeared that she had already predicted his answer, and had no intention of sharing her food in the first place. Perhaps it was a question asked out of courtesy, or to show that she recognised the importance of her customers.
There was a queue at the prata stall in contrast to our first visit wherein the Indian uncle could wave at the shop assistant for orders.
While we were taking photos of the coffee shop, one uncle seated with his four other friends (refer to annex 6) started posing when they saw us taking pictures. He probably thought we were taking photos of him and asked if it would be posted on Facebook in Mandarin. Deeming it as a chance to interact with the patrons, we took a photo of the group as requested. After inquiring about our identities, he mentioned that he would not want to talk to us if we are related to the government. Clarifying that we are students, they encouraged us by saying, “Du shu hao. (It is good to learn.)” While chatting, a beer promoter who was clearing bottles at that table smiled probably due to our awkwardness among a group of men. Two of these uncles have visible tattoos.
According to the uncle, they patronise the coffee shop daily, and would seat at the same table. When asked what if their seats were occupied, he answered that they lived nearby and claimed that their group of friends and relatives would occupy this table for the whole day. His friends mentioned that they would drink till 2-3am and go to work straight next morning.
As we are curious whether friendships are forged in the coffee shop, we asked these uncles about their experiences. One replied that some were already friends beforehand while others forged friendship over drinks and chit-chatting. While the one or two uncles were chatting with us, the rest were chatting among themselves, alternating between Hokkein and Mandarin. One asked if we understood dialects. There were primarily two uncles talking to us while the rest smiled and chipped in briefly with brief worded responses. During our conversation, I (Xiu Juan) could not help but noticed that all but one was drinking beer. It turns out that the one who did not drink has quitted drinking due to religious reason, although he was still smoking then. His friends claimed that after becoming a pious devotee of Buddhism, he has been trying to abstain from such undesirable habits.
Although these uncles kept asking us to go home as it was late, they continued our conversation nonetheless. While one spoke to us about the relative safety of Singapore, his friend raised the issue of ISIS beheading Japanese hostage Kenji Goto, animatedly gesturing the decapitation, with his hand across his neck. The other responded that he knows of the news by making similar gestures. Both condemned the cruelty of ISIS. This shows that the coffee shop is indeed a third place where people interact and share their thoughts on current affairs, and where values, societal norms and expectations are created, maintained, and reproduced.
Third visit
The last visit was on Tuesday, February 10, 2015, from 10.30a.m. to 11.30a.m. The coffee shop was noisy and had slightly more females than males this time, unlike our previous visits. Female patrons hanging out at in pairs were a common sight. The age of these female patrons ranges from 30 to 70 years old. There were also groups of friends which include both all-females table and mixed gender ones. Families were having their meals too but only adults were present.
Blue-collared local male workers were eating together. They were in work uniforms that resemble that of the construction site. This is the first time that we have spotted any construction workers.
A group of males in their thirties were exceptionally noisy as they engaged in an active conversation in Singlish while drinking hot beverages. Dressed in smart-causal attires, they were likely white-collared workers dropping by the coffee shop for a short drinking break.
All patrons were dressed either very casually or donned work attires. Those in formal attire generally spent lesser time than those who were not. Only a group of middle-aged to elderly male patrons seated at the smoking zone were consuming alcohol.
A couple with two young children including one toddler, and the other donned in kindergarten uniform were having meals. Their parents were busy eating and feeding them while they played with the cutlery on the table, sometimes staring into space. Unlike the children, their parents were mostly busy tending to their needs, turning around from time to time either to feed the children or to ensure that they are doing fine.
One group that we have never spotted in the previous two visits were observed this time. There was a group that consisted of an elderly female, likely to be the grandmother; a woman likely in her twenties or thirties who was most probably the mother; and a young baby who was seated in a pram, likely to be the grandchild of the elderly woman or the child of the younger woman. The pram for the baby also doubled as a shopping trolley with many bags of groceries hung at the handles of the pram. The mother went to buy food while the baby was taken care of by the grandmother.
I (Phyllis) observed that some uncles were eating alone while the majority were with friends. Those in the younger age group left quickly after eating and did not spend time talking at the table. It seemed that to the youngsters, the coffee shop was merely a place to fill up their stomach. This stood in contrast to the male middle-aged to elderly patrons, especially the drinkers who tend to stay for prolonged period of time to chit-chat with one another.
At 11 a.m., halfway through my (Phyllis) third observation, the coffee shop was less busy as compared to when I first arrived, since there were fewer crowds. Some female newcomers who spotted their acquaintances or friends sat with them, often carrying bulky items that were likely to be groceries bought from the nearby wet market.
There were only a few couples seen initially. It was only towards the end of this one hour visit that more couples were seen.
The Indian stall that sells roti prata was busy throughout the morning visit as customers from different racial groups patronized the stall. There were also two Indians, each having a bowl of Chinese noodles. This suggests that most people in the coffee shop welcomed a myriad of ethnic cuisines and were generally open to having them as a proper meal even on non-festive periods. This alludes to the cultural pluralism in the consumption of food in Singapore.
General patterns
With regards to the general patterns in the coffee shop, we observed that groups with more than three people tend to use the bigger round table, especially those that consisted of all male patrons. Patrons in pairs tend to sit directly across one another, with the exception of parents sitting with young children. Usually, one person will wait at the table and tend to their belongings while the other proceeded to buy food. Table occupancy rate increased when lunch or dinner time was approaching. Patrons tend to sit near where they have bought their food from.
Race and language appear to play a role in the spatial arrangement of patrons because individuals tend to hang around people from the same racial group, and tend to speak their mother tongue or dialects (for the Chinese) during their conversations. Most of the middle-aged to elderly Chinese uncles and aunties we had observed in the coffee shop were conversing in mixture of Mandarin and Hokkien. The Malays also tend to communicate in their mother tongue to people of the same ethnic group. It appeared that most people feel more comfortable with those from the same racial or ethnic groups as reflected in their seating arrangements.
We observed a correlation between the time of visit, the kind of patrons, and activities in the coffee shop. In the morning, there were more elderly people, with only two young children spotted. There were also more friends than families observed in the morning. On the other hand, the mid-afternoon was the quietest with the least crowd; it was dominated by middle-aged to elder men, with a handful of mothers accompanied by their children who were observed having meals together. In contrast, the night visit showed a diversity of patrons. These include families, NTU students, SAF men, colleagues, and friends. As the tze char stall only operates from evening time, section C was bustling with activities with many colleagues and friends having tze char together.
The night time was also when alcohol consumption was at its peak. All the different ethnic groups, mostly men, were spotted to be drinking alcoholic beverages. The presence of ethnic minorities like Indians was more visible at night than in the mid-afternoon and morning.
Middle-aged to elderly male patrons were observed in all three visits. They often sat in groups and tend to stay for prolonged period of time, usually engaged in active conversations during their stay. Drinks, either hot beverage or beers, occasionally accompanied by newspapers, were a common sight on their tables. In most of our observations, these middle-aged to elderly male groups did not order any food as there was no food spotted on their tables.
As for individual middle-aged to elderly male patrons, most usually either stared into space, looked around, or read newspaper while drinking the alcoholic or non-alcoholic beverages they ordered. On a few occasions, some individual middle-aged to elderly male patrons initiated a conversation with other individual male patrons seated in close proximity to them. On one occasion, I (Phyllis) spotted a middle-aged to elderly uncle reading newspapers with the headlines on the front page that were big enough for the neighbouring patron to read. He started to notice that another uncle was staring at the newspapers, and initiated a conversation with him.
On another occasion, I (Xiu Juan) saw three individuals sitting diagonally across one another in adjacent tables, chit-chatting loudly and laughing over beer during our night visit. It is unknown whether they knew each other prior to that conversation. If they did, it is quite peculiar that they had chosen to sit in separate tables during the peak dinner and/or supper dining period. Hence, it is more sensible to assume that they have bonded over a couple of (alcoholic) drinks.
Our observations suggest that to these male patrons, the coffee shop is a third place wherein they socialise and bond with their friends, or forge new friendships over drinks. Notably, these new friendships appeared to be gendered; limited to those between the middle-aged to elderly uncles. We did not see any individual middle-aged to elderly uncle striking a conversation with other female patrons or vice versa. We also did not observe any new friendships forged between individual female patrons. This could be attributed to the highly salient common interests of individual middle-aged to elderly uncles, including reading newspaper and/or drinking beer.
In general, tables that consisted of a group of friends, usually spend more time eating and talking, regardless of gender. These groups of friends tend to stay for a longer time as compared to individual patrons and couples, who would leave immediately after eating. Everyone in the group was actively engaged in their group conversation. No one was left out nor visibly spoke less. Hand gestures and constant eye contact were frequently made throughout the entire conversation. We often observed that these groups were already in the coffee shop before we reached, and either left the coffee shop at the same time as us, or were still talking while seated at the tables. This meant that their stay lasted for at least 1 to 1.5 hours. Notably, there were a few such tables I (Phyllis) observed wherein patrons would order a second drink.
The ways interactions took place within the coffee shop also varied according to the relationships shared between people. The interactions between stall assistant-stall assistant were the most limited because most either focused on their tasks or stared into space. Occasional conversations happened among those from the same or neighbouring stalls.
The interactions between stall assistant-customer tend to be brief and transactional, with the exceptions of those with regulars. This was especially evident in the interactions between beer promoters and customers because the promoters tend to linger around patrons who have already ordered beer. Sometimes, no verbal communication is necessarily as the availability of the beer promoters was expressed through the act of pouring and opening bottles of beer to patrons.
Most patrons queued for food, with the exception of drinks wherein customers use gestures to beckon stall assistants.
In contrast, the interactions between customers-customers were the most frequent and active. Most friends and/or colleagues engaged in active conversations regardless of gender. However, these interactions were mostly limited to those seated within the same table, not across groups. As aforementioned, the only exceptions observed were of individual, usually middle-aged to aged male drinkers who appeared to have bonded over beer.
(3976 words)
Report
Strategies
Our primary research question is: how do people negotiate the use and space of the coffee shop? In answering this question, we have to explore the kinds of interactions occurring in this public space, as well as the uses of the coffee shop. We hope to see if changes in the day and time of visit affect the way people utilize and negotiate the usage of this public space.
In view of our research question, we visited Lai Lai coffee shop on different days and times: a) late morning (Tuesday, February 10, 2015, from 10.30a.m. to 11.30a.m.); b) mid-afternoon (Monday, February 02, 2015, from 4p.m. to 5.45p.m.); and c) night (Tuesday, February 03, 2015, from 9p.m. to 10.40p.m.).
Patterns and sociological discussion
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Besides the general patterns mentioned in the field notes, we would discuss the patterns pertaining to our research question in the discussion below. Drawing on sociological theories and concepts including symbolic interactionism, agency, and the third place, we would discuss how our observations on the negotiations and uses of space aligned to these concepts.
The negotiation of space is evident in both the official demarcation of space through the use of signage, and the unofficial delineation of space that is constantly created and reproduced through the interactions of people within the coffee shop. From a symbolic interactionism perspective, the ways wherein people act towards the official rules, objects, and other individuals in the coffee shop involved interpretation and agency. The self-imposed boundaries are thus reflective of the ways in which people exercised their agency within the said space.
The signage placed at various locations in the coffee shop marked the official demarcation of space. These include: yellow banners that serve as reminders to patrons to minimize volume at night are accompanied by the television sets that were never turned on; signs that state no feeding of birds and no pets allowed; and smoking zones delineated by the yellow paints on the ground, coupled with corresponding labels on the walls. All signs are written only in English except the yellow banners that have both English and a Chinese translation. Interestingly, the signage used a combination of illustrations and words, likely due to the diversity of patrons. Illustrations are especially useful for those who were not educated.
In addition to the spatial arrangements shaped by race and language as mentioned in the field notes, we observed other ways in which patrons and stall assistants created or reproduced boundaries through their behaviours and interactions. An unofficial delineation of space is evident from the spatial arrangement of the smokers and non-smokers. Non-smokers often choose to occupy the seats further away from the smoking zones should those seats be available. While the smokers observed adhered to the official rule by sitting within the smoking zone, this boundary between the smokers and non-smokers were constantly maintained and reproduced through the seemingly deliberate choice of seats by the non-smokers. Upon our arrival, our choice of seats already made us participants of the space as we drew boundary between ourselves and the smokers.
Similarly, despite the absence of explicit rules restricting the use of section C to tze char patrons, we did not observe anyone who flouted this implicit rule. In a bid to see if this rule is actively maintained, we conducted our mini experiment by sitting at section C. Our subsequent interactions with the tze char stall assistants alluded to the presence of the unofficial rule that is actively maintained by stall assistants. We also observed the strategic use of tissue boxes, which were absent in the day, to signify that these tables are reserved for the customers of tze char.
Our observations aligned to the premises of the symbolic interactionism perspective. Blumer posits that humans “act towards things on the basis of the meaning that the thing have for them” (1969:81) and these meanings “are handled in and modified through an interpretive process used by the person in dealing with the things he/she encounters” (1969:81).
The negotiation of space in the coffee shop is constantly created and maintained through the behaviours and interactions between the patrons, stall assistants, and physical objects like tissue boxes and signage. Both the official and unofficial demarcation of space would only exist insofar as the people in the coffee shop abide by the explicit and implicit rules. The meanings of the physical objects and the rules associated with them are constantly interpreted by the people within the coffee shop. Therefore, the behaviours and interactions of patrons and stall assistants work to create, challenge, or reproduce these boundaries.
While these meanings and boundaries could be contested, we did not witness anyone challenging them. The fact that newcomers to the space adhered to these rules reaffirmed the meanings that were already in place. This suggests that patrons and stall assistants may share similar interpretations to the objects and rules, and may have reached a consensus in the negotiation of space at the time of our observation. In fact, when we attempted to challenge the rules in section C, we were perceived to have flouted a rule that was taken for granted by the tze char stall assistant. However, it is vital to keep in mind that the delineation of space is a continuous process: subjected to the interpretation, contestation, and negotiation of those within that space, which serve to create, challenge, or maintain these boundaries. We could therefore conclude that the negotiation of space and uses within the coffee shop is determined by the people within it; it is subjected to changes.
Through our observations, we came to a consensus that the coffee shop is more than a dining place — it is a third place. The coffee shop shares several traits that characterize the third place. It is highly accessible due to its proximity to HDB flats and relatively affordable as compared to restaurants or cafés since the food is cheaper. It is characterized by the presence of community life wherein people share conversations about work, friends, family and activities that happened in the day. This third place is also welcoming and comfortable as people read newspapers, use mobile devices, and chit-chat over their meals. Our observations also suggest that it is patronised by regulars as the uncles we spoke to claimed that they visit it on a daily basis. Our interactions with the uncles also alluded to the presence of the civil society in this third place because the uncles had discussed currents affairs like the decapitation of Kenji Goto during our conversation, and expressed ambivalence towards the government when they initially suspected that we were civil servants. These observations coincide with past literature on the Singapore coffee shop as a third place. According to Chan, the coffee shop is a political space central to communication and social activities, wherein citizens express their ambivalent relationship with the government (2013).
However, it also appears that this third place is dominated by middle-aged to elderly men, especially alcohol drinkers, rather than families or students. We observed that the middle-aged to elderly male drinkers usually donning casual tee shirts and shorts or capri pants, tend to stay in the coffee shop for prolonged period of time, leisurely drinking and chit-chatting during their stay. In contrast, the families, students, and adults in formal attire who are not drinking tend to stay for a shorter period of time. Hence, we would propose that while the coffee shop is indeed a third place with a highly diverse crowd, it is a third place with a predominance of middle-aged to elderly male drinkers.
Problems and limitations
As the coffee shop is a huge place with different sections, it is seemingly impossible to observe the different activities between customers and stall assistants concurrently. While it would be helpful if we could glean information from the conversations among customers, the noise level made it challenging to eavesdrop. In times when there are opportunities to listen to the conversations of those sitting near us, our limited comprehension of dialects does handicap the meanings said. Furthermore, other mother tongues such as Malay or Tamil are beyond our abilities.
Additionally, crowds in early morning and midnight were not observed due to time constraints since we have lessons in the morning and have to return home before public transportation cease operation for the day. As the coffee shop we have chosen is opened twenty-four hours a day, it would be helpful if observations are made in the early morning or midnight for future researches. We also did not stay near the smoking zone due to personal preference. As a result, we may have failed to observe the details of the people and activities within and near the smoking zones. Notably, our seat preference was reflective of most customers who are non-smokers as they often choose to occupy the seats further away from the smoking zones should those seats be available.
(1492 words)
References
Chan, Ying-Kit. 2013. "Kopitiam s in Singapore: Consuming Politics." Asian Survey53.5: 979-1004.
Oldenburg, Ramon, and Dennis Brissett. 1982. "The third place." Qualitative Sociology 5.4: 265-284.
Blumer, H. 1969. Symbolic interactionism: Perspective and method. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice-Hall. Chicago (15th ed.).
Memo
Memo – Xiu Juan
During our participant observation, Phyllis and I tried not to have too many interactions so we could make our own observations as much as possible. This is to ensure that our observations would not be clouded by that of the other. We then proceeded to type out our respective field notes individually, and share our key observations with one another before distilling the main patterns and observations during our discussion.
The experience of doing participant observations made me more aware to the seemingly innocuous details of the objects, people, activities and interactions within that space. I also learnt to question my own assumptions during the field work. For instance, during our first trip, I initially assumed that the two umbrellas placed on the tables were used by patrons to ‘chop’ seats on the table since it was raining. However, as time passes, I realized that no patrons arrived nor collected the umbrellas. As a result, I amended the observation that I had previously recorded, and added that the umbrellas probably belonged to the staff of the coffee shop instead. Hence, I learnt the importance of actively questioning my assumptions while doing participant observation, and learnt how to pay attention to details so as to obtain data that are as rich as possible.
As ethnography is a subjective experience, it is intriguing how we paid attention to different things even when we were in the same place, at the same time. Thus, it is fair to say that our observations complement one another in some ways.
However, the differences in observations could be problematic at times. For instance, Phyllis did not observe any cleaners during our mid-afternoon visit while I did. When these contradictory observations were highlighted, we would try to recall what happened during our visit to ensure the reliability of our observations. In this case, we realized that Phyllis had explored other sections of the coffee shop when I saw the cleaners. Since this project is a collaborative effort, I learnt the importance of comparing our observations and interpretations after we have typed our respective field notes, in order to understand the ways our experiences converged or departed.
We also had differing interpretations with regards to the estimated age of the patrons. It was especially problematic when it comes to deducing the age of the middle age to elderly men just from their appearance because traits like grey hair is common to many people regardless of their age. As the middle age to elderly men formed one of the dominant groups in the coffee shop, it is necessary to reach a consensus in the interpretation of their age. We had eventually agreed that it would be better to give an age range or use the phrase ‘middle age to elderly’ to describe these men.
Some of the patterns we have observed and interpreted are pretty similar. These similarities include our interpretation of the coffee shop as a third place. This could be attributed to our similar experiences as Singaporean heartlanders and undergraduates of Sociology. As we both reside in HDB flats and patronize coffee shops regularly, we share some common experiences as the patrons we had observed, and could relate to their interactions and behaviours within the coffee shop. Moreover, the knowledge and sociological perspectives we share as Sociology undergraduates made it easy to agree that the coffee shop is indeed a third place in Singapore.
As I have overslept on the day of the morning field trip, Phyllis and I had reached a consensus that I would draft the presentation while she would proceed with the last participant observation and type out her observations for that.
I drafted the report while Phyllis focused on collating and slashing the word count for the field notes because we had exceeded by close to 2000 words for our first draft.
Indeed, due to the word limit of the field notes and report, we have to exercise selectivity in making decisions with regards to what to include or omit in our field notes and report. These decisions ultimately boil down to the scale of our research. After reviewing our research question, we have reached a consensus to narrow our research question, and focus on one key question: how do people negotiate the use and space of the coffee shop? In answering this question, we have to explore the uses and the kinds of interactions that occur in the coffee shop. Evidently, the scale of the research is paramount to the information we include in our field notes and report. Thus, I learnt to be highly selective in the information we include and omitted some general patterns and information irrelevant to the primary research question in both the field notes and report.
It would be great if we could improve on the way we split the workload for future assignments. Due to time constraints, we decided that one person would be primarily in charge of the report, while the other focuses on proofreading and reducing the word count for the field notes. It would be ideal if we could work on both tasks concurrently in a more collaborative manner to ensure a more holistic picture. Hence, the key to a better future collaboration would be better time management. We ought to aim to finish the draft perhaps one week in advance so that there would be sufficient time to look through our work and make further amendments as a team.
Memo – Phyllis
Working with Xiu Juan started off quite well as we were both very well aware of the schedule each other such as the deadlines that we both have of other modules. This is because we are friends before deciding to team together and she also took initiative to ask and request for deadlines to be set among both of us in order for our work to be not very rushed or last minute. These informal deadlines that we set and agreed on helped us to achieve our little targets to the ultimate completion of the participant observation project. Importantly, both of us managed to keep to these deadlines and let it not affect other deadlines that we have for other courses. I am most grateful for the fact that despite my first time writing such a long essay with the practical need to visit actual sites of our choice to do participant observation, this assignment did not really cause a very huge burden due to the deadlines we have set on. Having deadlines to meet for other modules around the same period proved not to be demanding because plans were made on the ways to achieve it. Xiu Juan and I both have assignments to submit on Monday of the same wee since for this particular course we are taking it together. It was a chance to stretch and hone my time management skills as well as level of discipline. I learnt that indeed, though we are friends, which may thus suggest that we share some common traits and hobbies, does not necessarily mean that we perceive things the same way and choose to focus on the same things. For example, I totally did not notice the fact that there are a few large banners at the coffee shop with other signage on the pillars around the entire coffee shop. Looking back, definitely I saw them but perhaps subconsciously thought that it is unimportant and so did not include or mention about it at all in my data. Thanks to Xiu Juan that I discover this about myself and did not omit this aspect in our presentation, report and field notes. These signage and its significance were also taught to me as I read her analysis as linked to the sociological concepts that we decided to apply.
Different people have habits and lifestyles and I guess both of us sort of complement each other. For example, I am able to wake up early in the morning and travel from the east to the west to arrive at the coffee shop so as to do non-participant observation for the morning timing. While she may have some difficulties, her visual illustration of the place using coloured graphics on PowerPoint so as to give the class a better idea of the layout of the coffee shop was clear and informative. More importantly, it was an accurate representation. This is however not my strength. We type our inputs and also discussed with each other some interesting observation at the coffee shop while we were there. It was good that some trends identified was obvious for us to link it to sociological terms such as division of labour, especially along gender lines and also to identify patterns of ethnic minorities, if their usage and interactions will differ with the ethnic majority. I would say Xiu Juan was the one who started the skeletons of the different documents to be submitted such as the presentation slides and report with me then editing so as to include my inputs and explanation of some concepts. It was then sent it back to her where she will raise questions, if any then we will both come to an agreement. There were not any major disagreements or compromise to be made for we were both able to convince each other and agree once explanation was provided, for example, as to which observation from our non-participant observation should be used to illustrate more vividly the sociological concepts that we are going to discuss in our report. This is for the sake of coherent and greater level of conviction for the assessor.
One huge problem that seems unable to be resolve till the very end was the field notes document. This is mainly due to the fact that we changed quite last minute the way our data should be presented which actually caused not only confusion for both of us when we are preparing for the final edit but several overlapping information in the same document but different sections. Much time I would say is wasted on deciding what information should be placed at which part since the different sections does not have much differences. We spent time sorting, discussing and deciding. Importantly, though communicating managed to place everything neatly and appropriately, too much unnecessarily time is spent have we have changed to order of the way these data are going to be submitted. Personally, I do not think the first and second manner has much differences. After deleting the overlapping content and reading through repeatedly that it seems fine. I guess we should have really thought about it further whether a change in the manner of the data to be presented require change. This can significantly make us less stressful on the day of submission itself, especially when it is Lunar New Year eve and we want to finish as soon as possible so as to prepare for the New Year and reunion dinner. We also had too much data since both of us had many content to discuss and also faced problems of meeting the word limit. We had to rush to delete around one thousand six hundred words. However, after tidying it and managing to keep the word limit, our report and field notes is so much more concise.
I am confident that with this experience at hand now, we are far more prepared with the next assignment and look forward to it since I believe there are going to be new learning opportunities, insights that is awaiting for us to unfold. This is indeed a great working and learning experience which I will definitely remember after leaving NTU. Especially whenever I pass by the coffee shop. The interviewing assignment will be quite exciting and perhaps fun since sometimes we even thought of what are the possible topics and interviewing is seemingly, hopefully easier as assumptions may be more likely to be significantly cut.
Annexes
Annex 1
Layout of Lai Lai coffee shop. It can be divided into three main sections: a) region right in front of the drinks stall where we are seated; b) section in front of the Western food stall; and c) the tze char (also known as Chinese cuisine) region.
Annex 2
Large yellow banners that serve as a reminder to customers to minimise their volume at night are placed in conspicuous locations. The signs play an important role in the demarcation and negotiation of space in the coffee shop.
Annex 3
Signs in the coffee shop include symbolic yellow paint delineating the smoking zones, and labels with green capitalised word “SMOKING PERMITTED IN THIS AREA”. These signs play an important role in the demarcation and negotiation of space in the coffee shop.
Annex 4
Other signage includes reminders to not feed the birds and that pets are not allowed in the premises. Signage plays an important role in the demarcation and negotiation of space in the coffee shop.
Annex 5
Objects like tissue boxes were placed on the tables on Section C only at night. They marked the unofficial boundaries drawn by stall assistants. The implicit rules associated with the negotiation of space seems to be understood and accepted by patrons as we did not witness anyone who challenged them.
Annex 6
While we were taking photos of the coffee shop, one uncle seated with his four other friends started posing when they saw us taking pictures. They claimed to be regulars of Lai Lai coffee shop as they visit it on a daily basis. Our interactions with these uncles alluded to the presence of the civil society in this third place because the uncles had discussed currents affairs like the decapitation of Kenji Goto during our conversation, and expressed ambivalence towards the government when they initially suspected that we were civil servants.
References: Chan, Ying-Kit. 2013. "Kopitiam s in Singapore: Consuming Politics." Asian Survey53.5: 979-1004. Oldenburg, Ramon, and Dennis Brissett. 1982. "The third place." Qualitative Sociology 5.4: 265-284. Blumer, H. 1969. Symbolic interactionism: Perspective and method. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice-Hall. Chicago (15th ed.).
Field notes
We have chosen Lai Lai coffee shop for our participant observation, a 24 hour coffee shop that is affectionately known as ‘“extension” among NTU students due to its geographical proximity to the university, and thus its popularity especially for those who lived in halls of residences. However, the focus of our project is not on NTU students alone but instead, on the interactions, usage, and the negotiation of space within the coffee shop, a commonplace to dine and bond to many heartlanders in Singapore.
First visit
Our first visit was on Monday, February 02, 2015, from 4p.m. to 5.45p.m. It was pouring and pretty cold as our clothes were soaked from the rain. The coffee shop was less than half filled, though it appeared busier due to the pasar malam right beside it. There was not anyone who came in to sit or rest so as to wait for the rain to stop.
This coffee shop is huge. It can be divided into three main sections (refer to annex 1): a) region right in front of the drinks stall where we were seated; b) section in front of the Western food stall; and c) the tze char (also known as Chinese cuisine) region which is almost empty with the exception of two staffs as business has yet to start. For the sake of convenience, we will refer to these three sections as section A, B, and C respectively hereafter.
I (Xiu Juan) could not help but noticed that the two television sets were switched off, which is peculiar for a coffee shop. Could it be that they will only switch it on in the evening? If that is the case, it is indeed strange that one television was completely hidden behind the yellow banner.
A plethora of labels and signage greeted us as soon as we have settled down. Five large yellow banners (refer to annex 1 and 2) that serve as a reminder to customers to minimise their volume at night are placed in conspicuous locations: one covering the television at section B, and two that run parallel to the Western food stall; and another two at section A wherein one is also placed parallel to the food stalls, and the other at right-angle to the parallel one, located at the far end of section A where one of the smoking zone is. It is an understatement to say that the yellow banners are highly visible — they are encircling almost the whole of sections A and B.
Besides the yellow banners, there are also the symbolic yellow paint delineating the smoking zones, and labels with green capitalised word “SMOKING PERMITTED IN THIS AREA” coupled with a lighted cigarette, pasted near pillars of the smoking zones at sections A and B respectively (refer to annex 3). Other signage includes reminders to not feed the birds and that pets are not allowed in the premises (refer to annex 4). There were a couple of elderly men near where we were seated, so we inferred that this sign probably existed as a result of elderly male patrons with feeding habits, which is not uncommon in Singapore.
Unexpectedly, no one chased us away although we did not make any purchases.
Most friends sitting at same table were of the same gender. Individual patrons would choose to have a table to themselves due to the availability of seats in the mid-afternoon.
Orders were made by waving at the stall assistants of the drinks stall, in contrast to the food stall wherein customers queued to place their order and waited at the stall till the food is ready.
Four elderly men seated at outskirt of the coffee shop nearer to the HDB flats briefly chatted to another elderly uncle on bicycle before he rode away. They appeared to be acquainted.
Most smokers adhere to legislations, only lighting up at either of the two smoking zones. These smokers would choose to sit at the smoking areas for the sake of convenience. On the other hand, we did not spot any patrons who were non-smokers seated at the smoking zones. This is probably because of the abundance of seats available in the non-peak dining hours.
Individual patrons tend to stay for a short time, mostly leaving once their meals were completed. There were only a few exceptions: one middle age men who read the newspaper leisurely and a couple of males in their early 20s using their mobile devices like handphone or Ipad. Notably, female customers who came individually did not stay for long.
The coffee shop was generally dirty; filled with litter such as the wrappers of disposable chopsticks and used tissue paper. Many tables were not cleared and thus there were less choices for diners to choose where they wish to sit. There was a general avoidance to not dine on the table that was not yet cleared and cleaned.
Unlike hawker centres, there were no designated tray return corners. Thus, it was a common practice to leave the dishes and trays on tables after finishing a meal.
Second visit
We made our second visit on February 03, 2015, from 9p.m. to 10.40p.m. This night visit enabled a better understanding for the need of the yellow banners. It was bustling with crowd and generally very noisy. Our plan to eavesdrop on the conversation of others came to a halt due to the sheer noise everyone was contributing to. It was indeed more crowded in the evening than mid-afternoon. Although it was already quite late, there were still many people having dinner or supper. The television sets were still not turned on, and coupled with the strong presence of the yellow banners, it was intended to minimise the noise level as much as possible.
Many customers were still drinking tea or coffee despite this late timing. In comparison to our first visit, more people were drinking beer this time.
In contrast with the mid-afternoon crowd, the evening crowd was more diverse. There were many families visiting together, mostly donned in casual clothes. They were likely to be residents residing in neighbouring HDB flats.
NS men either in small or large groups of 2 to 6 were also dining. Despite sitting in relatively close proximity, these different SAF groups did not have any interactions across different tables. The majority of them were in green NS tee shirt, black shorts, and slippers, with only a few minorities donned formal SAF No. 4 uniforms. There were two separate groups of SAF men dressed in green tee shirt who were in the coffee shop before we came, and stayed on even when we left, spending a significant amount of time in the coffee shop.
Tables near the tze char stall were nearly filled. This reaffirms our observations that most people would choose to sit near the stall they patronised. Although there was no formal signage or explicit rules that restrict the tables near tze char stall for their own customers, everyone was aware and abided by this implicit rule.
In a bid to explore whether this rule is strictly reinforced, we conducted a mini experiment by occupying seats at the tze char area (Section C) to see if we would elicit any response from the shop assistants. We were just making our way to the table when one tze char stall assistant asked “Yao chi ma? (do you want to eat?)” This is a loaded question as she assumed that we knew that she was referring to food from the tze char stall. This simple question also seems to have the effect of prompting customers to patronize their stall.
We shook our heads and chose a table surrounded by tze char customers and sat. The locality of this table was implicitly understood to be reserved for the tze char stall. There were tissue boxes (refer to annex 5) strategically placed on most tables at section C. These were meant for their customers and appeared to be a mean for the tze char stall to reserve tables for their customers. These tissue boxes also serve to mark the territory of the tze char stall, making it known to other stallholders and customers.
As soon as we were seated, another assistant approached and asked “Ji wei? (For how many people?)” I (Xiu Juan) replied that we were just sitting there. However, she did not seem to comprehend my response and appeared to be truly puzzled. Thus, Phyllis lied by saying that we were waiting for our friends in order to continue to observe what would happen next.
While we were there, two female tze char assistants started keeping the foldable tables although it was only 10pm (this coffee shop operates for 24 hours daily). While Phyllis had gone elsewhere to take photos, a third female assistant asked me (Xiu Juan) the same question as the first one. When I replied that I am not eating, she asked expressionlessly, “Ke yi zuo na bian ma? (Can you sit over there?)”, and pointed to the interior of the coffee shop that is, section A and B. Although we were not seated at the foldable tables which belonged to the tze char stalls, it seems like we had flouted a rule that was taken for granted. She then placed her menu on our table and stood next to me for the next one minute or so before Phyllis came back. When we came back to check on section C later, it turns out that their staffs occupied our table for their dinner after we left.
Just within a span of 15 minutes, three female tze char staff approached us. This stood in contrast to our prior experiences at sections A and B, where we were not approached, questioned, nor chased by any one. We noted that all three assistants who approached us are females. There appeared to be a gendered division of labour as tasks including taking orders, serving food, clearing tables were done by female, whereas men were responsible for the more laborious task of cooking.
The majority of the customers at tze char stall were Chinese, with the only exception of an Indian family. Most Indians were seated near the prata section where we were usually seated, and this corresponded to their choice of food — Indian cuisine.
There were more beer promoters this time. All were women. Some beer promoters had brief (1 sentence) conversations with their customers. For instance, one asked whether her customer wants to eat her dessert while walking past him quickly. It appeared that she had already predicted his answer, and had no intention of sharing her food in the first place. Perhaps it was a question asked out of courtesy, or to show that she recognised the importance of her customers.
There was a queue at the prata stall in contrast to our first visit wherein the Indian uncle could wave at the shop assistant for orders.
While we were taking photos of the coffee shop, one uncle seated with his four other friends (refer to annex 6) started posing when they saw us taking pictures. He probably thought we were taking photos of him and asked if it would be posted on Facebook in Mandarin. Deeming it as a chance to interact with the patrons, we took a photo of the group as requested. After inquiring about our identities, he mentioned that he would not want to talk to us if we are related to the government. Clarifying that we are students, they encouraged us by saying, “Du shu hao. (It is good to learn.)” While chatting, a beer promoter who was clearing bottles at that table smiled probably due to our awkwardness among a group of men. Two of these uncles have visible tattoos.
According to the uncle, they patronise the coffee shop daily, and would seat at the same table. When asked what if their seats were occupied, he answered that they lived nearby and claimed that their group of friends and relatives would occupy this table for the whole day. His friends mentioned that they would drink till 2-3am and go to work straight next morning.
As we are curious whether friendships are forged in the coffee shop, we asked these uncles about their experiences. One replied that some were already friends beforehand while others forged friendship over drinks and chit-chatting. While the one or two uncles were chatting with us, the rest were chatting among themselves, alternating between Hokkein and Mandarin. One asked if we understood dialects. There were primarily two uncles talking to us while the rest smiled and chipped in briefly with brief worded responses. During our conversation, I (Xiu Juan) could not help but noticed that all but one was drinking beer. It turns out that the one who did not drink has quitted drinking due to religious reason, although he was still smoking then. His friends claimed that after becoming a pious devotee of Buddhism, he has been trying to abstain from such undesirable habits.
Although these uncles kept asking us to go home as it was late, they continued our conversation nonetheless. While one spoke to us about the relative safety of Singapore, his friend raised the issue of ISIS beheading Japanese hostage Kenji Goto, animatedly gesturing the decapitation, with his hand across his neck. The other responded that he knows of the news by making similar gestures. Both condemned the cruelty of ISIS. This shows that the coffee shop is indeed a third place where people interact and share their thoughts on current affairs, and where values, societal norms and expectations are created, maintained, and reproduced.
Third visit
The last visit was on Tuesday, February 10, 2015, from 10.30a.m. to 11.30a.m. The coffee shop was noisy and had slightly more females than males this time, unlike our previous visits. Female patrons hanging out at in pairs were a common sight. The age of these female patrons ranges from 30 to 70 years old. There were also groups of friends which include both all-females table and mixed gender ones. Families were having their meals too but only adults were present.
Blue-collared local male workers were eating together. They were in work uniforms that resemble that of the construction site. This is the first time that we have spotted any construction workers.
A group of males in their thirties were exceptionally noisy as they engaged in an active conversation in Singlish while drinking hot beverages. Dressed in smart-causal attires, they were likely white-collared workers dropping by the coffee shop for a short drinking break.
All patrons were dressed either very casually or donned work attires. Those in formal attire generally spent lesser time than those who were not. Only a group of middle-aged to elderly male patrons seated at the smoking zone were consuming alcohol.
A couple with two young children including one toddler, and the other donned in kindergarten uniform were having meals. Their parents were busy eating and feeding them while they played with the cutlery on the table, sometimes staring into space. Unlike the children, their parents were mostly busy tending to their needs, turning around from time to time either to feed the children or to ensure that they are doing fine.
One group that we have never spotted in the previous two visits were observed this time. There was a group that consisted of an elderly female, likely to be the grandmother; a woman likely in her twenties or thirties who was most probably the mother; and a young baby who was seated in a pram, likely to be the grandchild of the elderly woman or the child of the younger woman. The pram for the baby also doubled as a shopping trolley with many bags of groceries hung at the handles of the pram. The mother went to buy food while the baby was taken care of by the grandmother.
I (Phyllis) observed that some uncles were eating alone while the majority were with friends. Those in the younger age group left quickly after eating and did not spend time talking at the table. It seemed that to the youngsters, the coffee shop was merely a place to fill up their stomach. This stood in contrast to the male middle-aged to elderly patrons, especially the drinkers who tend to stay for prolonged period of time to chit-chat with one another.
At 11 a.m., halfway through my (Phyllis) third observation, the coffee shop was less busy as compared to when I first arrived, since there were fewer crowds. Some female newcomers who spotted their acquaintances or friends sat with them, often carrying bulky items that were likely to be groceries bought from the nearby wet market.
There were only a few couples seen initially. It was only towards the end of this one hour visit that more couples were seen.
The Indian stall that sells roti prata was busy throughout the morning visit as customers from different racial groups patronized the stall. There were also two Indians, each having a bowl of Chinese noodles. This suggests that most people in the coffee shop welcomed a myriad of ethnic cuisines and were generally open to having them as a proper meal even on non-festive periods. This alludes to the cultural pluralism in the consumption of food in Singapore.
General patterns
With regards to the general patterns in the coffee shop, we observed that groups with more than three people tend to use the bigger round table, especially those that consisted of all male patrons. Patrons in pairs tend to sit directly across one another, with the exception of parents sitting with young children. Usually, one person will wait at the table and tend to their belongings while the other proceeded to buy food. Table occupancy rate increased when lunch or dinner time was approaching. Patrons tend to sit near where they have bought their food from.
Race and language appear to play a role in the spatial arrangement of patrons because individuals tend to hang around people from the same racial group, and tend to speak their mother tongue or dialects (for the Chinese) during their conversations. Most of the middle-aged to elderly Chinese uncles and aunties we had observed in the coffee shop were conversing in mixture of Mandarin and Hokkien. The Malays also tend to communicate in their mother tongue to people of the same ethnic group. It appeared that most people feel more comfortable with those from the same racial or ethnic groups as reflected in their seating arrangements.
We observed a correlation between the time of visit, the kind of patrons, and activities in the coffee shop. In the morning, there were more elderly people, with only two young children spotted. There were also more friends than families observed in the morning. On the other hand, the mid-afternoon was the quietest with the least crowd; it was dominated by middle-aged to elder men, with a handful of mothers accompanied by their children who were observed having meals together. In contrast, the night visit showed a diversity of patrons. These include families, NTU students, SAF men, colleagues, and friends. As the tze char stall only operates from evening time, section C was bustling with activities with many colleagues and friends having tze char together.
The night time was also when alcohol consumption was at its peak. All the different ethnic groups, mostly men, were spotted to be drinking alcoholic beverages. The presence of ethnic minorities like Indians was more visible at night than in the mid-afternoon and morning.
Middle-aged to elderly male patrons were observed in all three visits. They often sat in groups and tend to stay for prolonged period of time, usually engaged in active conversations during their stay. Drinks, either hot beverage or beers, occasionally accompanied by newspapers, were a common sight on their tables. In most of our observations, these middle-aged to elderly male groups did not order any food as there was no food spotted on their tables.
As for individual middle-aged to elderly male patrons, most usually either stared into space, looked around, or read newspaper while drinking the alcoholic or non-alcoholic beverages they ordered. On a few occasions, some individual middle-aged to elderly male patrons initiated a conversation with other individual male patrons seated in close proximity to them. On one occasion, I (Phyllis) spotted a middle-aged to elderly uncle reading newspapers with the headlines on the front page that were big enough for the neighbouring patron to read. He started to notice that another uncle was staring at the newspapers, and initiated a conversation with him.
On another occasion, I (Xiu Juan) saw three individuals sitting diagonally across one another in adjacent tables, chit-chatting loudly and laughing over beer during our night visit. It is unknown whether they knew each other prior to that conversation. If they did, it is quite peculiar that they had chosen to sit in separate tables during the peak dinner and/or supper dining period. Hence, it is more sensible to assume that they have bonded over a couple of (alcoholic) drinks.
Our observations suggest that to these male patrons, the coffee shop is a third place wherein they socialise and bond with their friends, or forge new friendships over drinks. Notably, these new friendships appeared to be gendered; limited to those between the middle-aged to elderly uncles. We did not see any individual middle-aged to elderly uncle striking a conversation with other female patrons or vice versa. We also did not observe any new friendships forged between individual female patrons. This could be attributed to the highly salient common interests of individual middle-aged to elderly uncles, including reading newspaper and/or drinking beer.
In general, tables that consisted of a group of friends, usually spend more time eating and talking, regardless of gender. These groups of friends tend to stay for a longer time as compared to individual patrons and couples, who would leave immediately after eating. Everyone in the group was actively engaged in their group conversation. No one was left out nor visibly spoke less. Hand gestures and constant eye contact were frequently made throughout the entire conversation. We often observed that these groups were already in the coffee shop before we reached, and either left the coffee shop at the same time as us, or were still talking while seated at the tables. This meant that their stay lasted for at least 1 to 1.5 hours. Notably, there were a few such tables I (Phyllis) observed wherein patrons would order a second drink.
The ways interactions took place within the coffee shop also varied according to the relationships shared between people. The interactions between stall assistant-stall assistant were the most limited because most either focused on their tasks or stared into space. Occasional conversations happened among those from the same or neighbouring stalls.
The interactions between stall assistant-customer tend to be brief and transactional, with the exceptions of those with regulars. This was especially evident in the interactions between beer promoters and customers because the promoters tend to linger around patrons who have already ordered beer. Sometimes, no verbal communication is necessarily as the availability of the beer promoters was expressed through the act of pouring and opening bottles of beer to patrons.
Most patrons queued for food, with the exception of drinks wherein customers use gestures to beckon stall assistants.
In contrast, the interactions between customers-customers were the most frequent and active. Most friends and/or colleagues engaged in active conversations regardless of gender. However, these interactions were mostly limited to those seated within the same table, not across groups. As aforementioned, the only exceptions observed were of individual, usually middle-aged to aged male drinkers who appeared to have bonded over beer.
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Report
Strategies
Our primary research question is: how do people negotiate the use and space of the coffee shop? In answering this question, we have to explore the kinds of interactions occurring in this public space, as well as the uses of the coffee shop. We hope to see if changes in the day and time of visit affect the way people utilize and negotiate the usage of this public space.
In view of our research question, we visited Lai Lai coffee shop on different days and times: a) late morning (Tuesday, February 10, 2015, from 10.30a.m. to 11.30a.m.); b) mid-afternoon (Monday, February 02, 2015, from 4p.m. to 5.45p.m.); and c) night (Tuesday, February 03, 2015, from 9p.m. to 10.40p.m.).
Patterns and sociological discussion
.
Besides the general patterns mentioned in the field notes, we would discuss the patterns pertaining to our research question in the discussion below. Drawing on sociological theories and concepts including symbolic interactionism, agency, and the third place, we would discuss how our observations on the negotiations and uses of space aligned to these concepts.
The negotiation of space is evident in both the official demarcation of space through the use of signage, and the unofficial delineation of space that is constantly created and reproduced through the interactions of people within the coffee shop. From a symbolic interactionism perspective, the ways wherein people act towards the official rules, objects, and other individuals in the coffee shop involved interpretation and agency. The self-imposed boundaries are thus reflective of the ways in which people exercised their agency within the said space.
The signage placed at various locations in the coffee shop marked the official demarcation of space. These include: yellow banners that serve as reminders to patrons to minimize volume at night are accompanied by the television sets that were never turned on; signs that state no feeding of birds and no pets allowed; and smoking zones delineated by the yellow paints on the ground, coupled with corresponding labels on the walls. All signs are written only in English except the yellow banners that have both English and a Chinese translation. Interestingly, the signage used a combination of illustrations and words, likely due to the diversity of patrons. Illustrations are especially useful for those who were not educated.
In addition to the spatial arrangements shaped by race and language as mentioned in the field notes, we observed other ways in which patrons and stall assistants created or reproduced boundaries through their behaviours and interactions. An unofficial delineation of space is evident from the spatial arrangement of the smokers and non-smokers. Non-smokers often choose to occupy the seats further away from the smoking zones should those seats be available. While the smokers observed adhered to the official rule by sitting within the smoking zone, this boundary between the smokers and non-smokers were constantly maintained and reproduced through the seemingly deliberate choice of seats by the non-smokers. Upon our arrival, our choice of seats already made us participants of the space as we drew boundary between ourselves and the smokers.
Similarly, despite the absence of explicit rules restricting the use of section C to tze char patrons, we did not observe anyone who flouted this implicit rule. In a bid to see if this rule is actively maintained, we conducted our mini experiment by sitting at section C. Our subsequent interactions with the tze char stall assistants alluded to the presence of the unofficial rule that is actively maintained by stall assistants. We also observed the strategic use of tissue boxes, which were absent in the day, to signify that these tables are reserved for the customers of tze char.
Our observations aligned to the premises of the symbolic interactionism perspective. Blumer posits that humans “act towards things on the basis of the meaning that the thing have for them” (1969:81) and these meanings “are handled in and modified through an interpretive process used by the person in dealing with the things he/she encounters” (1969:81).
The negotiation of space in the coffee shop is constantly created and maintained through the behaviours and interactions between the patrons, stall assistants, and physical objects like tissue boxes and signage. Both the official and unofficial demarcation of space would only exist insofar as the people in the coffee shop abide by the explicit and implicit rules. The meanings of the physical objects and the rules associated with them are constantly interpreted by the people within the coffee shop. Therefore, the behaviours and interactions of patrons and stall assistants work to create, challenge, or reproduce these boundaries.
While these meanings and boundaries could be contested, we did not witness anyone challenging them. The fact that newcomers to the space adhered to these rules reaffirmed the meanings that were already in place. This suggests that patrons and stall assistants may share similar interpretations to the objects and rules, and may have reached a consensus in the negotiation of space at the time of our observation. In fact, when we attempted to challenge the rules in section C, we were perceived to have flouted a rule that was taken for granted by the tze char stall assistant. However, it is vital to keep in mind that the delineation of space is a continuous process: subjected to the interpretation, contestation, and negotiation of those within that space, which serve to create, challenge, or maintain these boundaries. We could therefore conclude that the negotiation of space and uses within the coffee shop is determined by the people within it; it is subjected to changes.
Through our observations, we came to a consensus that the coffee shop is more than a dining place — it is a third place. The coffee shop shares several traits that characterize the third place. It is highly accessible due to its proximity to HDB flats and relatively affordable as compared to restaurants or cafés since the food is cheaper. It is characterized by the presence of community life wherein people share conversations about work, friends, family and activities that happened in the day. This third place is also welcoming and comfortable as people read newspapers, use mobile devices, and chit-chat over their meals. Our observations also suggest that it is patronised by regulars as the uncles we spoke to claimed that they visit it on a daily basis. Our interactions with the uncles also alluded to the presence of the civil society in this third place because the uncles had discussed currents affairs like the decapitation of Kenji Goto during our conversation, and expressed ambivalence towards the government when they initially suspected that we were civil servants. These observations coincide with past literature on the Singapore coffee shop as a third place. According to Chan, the coffee shop is a political space central to communication and social activities, wherein citizens express their ambivalent relationship with the government (2013).
However, it also appears that this third place is dominated by middle-aged to elderly men, especially alcohol drinkers, rather than families or students. We observed that the middle-aged to elderly male drinkers usually donning casual tee shirts and shorts or capri pants, tend to stay in the coffee shop for prolonged period of time, leisurely drinking and chit-chatting during their stay. In contrast, the families, students, and adults in formal attire who are not drinking tend to stay for a shorter period of time. Hence, we would propose that while the coffee shop is indeed a third place with a highly diverse crowd, it is a third place with a predominance of middle-aged to elderly male drinkers.
Problems and limitations
As the coffee shop is a huge place with different sections, it is seemingly impossible to observe the different activities between customers and stall assistants concurrently. While it would be helpful if we could glean information from the conversations among customers, the noise level made it challenging to eavesdrop. In times when there are opportunities to listen to the conversations of those sitting near us, our limited comprehension of dialects does handicap the meanings said. Furthermore, other mother tongues such as Malay or Tamil are beyond our abilities.
Additionally, crowds in early morning and midnight were not observed due to time constraints since we have lessons in the morning and have to return home before public transportation cease operation for the day. As the coffee shop we have chosen is opened twenty-four hours a day, it would be helpful if observations are made in the early morning or midnight for future researches. We also did not stay near the smoking zone due to personal preference. As a result, we may have failed to observe the details of the people and activities within and near the smoking zones. Notably, our seat preference was reflective of most customers who are non-smokers as they often choose to occupy the seats further away from the smoking zones should those seats be available.
(1492 words)
References
Chan, Ying-Kit. 2013. "Kopitiam s in Singapore: Consuming Politics." Asian Survey53.5: 979-1004.
Oldenburg, Ramon, and Dennis Brissett. 1982. "The third place." Qualitative Sociology 5.4: 265-284.
Blumer, H. 1969. Symbolic interactionism: Perspective and method. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice-Hall. Chicago (15th ed.).
Memo
Memo – Xiu Juan
During our participant observation, Phyllis and I tried not to have too many interactions so we could make our own observations as much as possible. This is to ensure that our observations would not be clouded by that of the other. We then proceeded to type out our respective field notes individually, and share our key observations with one another before distilling the main patterns and observations during our discussion.
The experience of doing participant observations made me more aware to the seemingly innocuous details of the objects, people, activities and interactions within that space. I also learnt to question my own assumptions during the field work. For instance, during our first trip, I initially assumed that the two umbrellas placed on the tables were used by patrons to ‘chop’ seats on the table since it was raining. However, as time passes, I realized that no patrons arrived nor collected the umbrellas. As a result, I amended the observation that I had previously recorded, and added that the umbrellas probably belonged to the staff of the coffee shop instead. Hence, I learnt the importance of actively questioning my assumptions while doing participant observation, and learnt how to pay attention to details so as to obtain data that are as rich as possible.
As ethnography is a subjective experience, it is intriguing how we paid attention to different things even when we were in the same place, at the same time. Thus, it is fair to say that our observations complement one another in some ways.
However, the differences in observations could be problematic at times. For instance, Phyllis did not observe any cleaners during our mid-afternoon visit while I did. When these contradictory observations were highlighted, we would try to recall what happened during our visit to ensure the reliability of our observations. In this case, we realized that Phyllis had explored other sections of the coffee shop when I saw the cleaners. Since this project is a collaborative effort, I learnt the importance of comparing our observations and interpretations after we have typed our respective field notes, in order to understand the ways our experiences converged or departed.
We also had differing interpretations with regards to the estimated age of the patrons. It was especially problematic when it comes to deducing the age of the middle age to elderly men just from their appearance because traits like grey hair is common to many people regardless of their age. As the middle age to elderly men formed one of the dominant groups in the coffee shop, it is necessary to reach a consensus in the interpretation of their age. We had eventually agreed that it would be better to give an age range or use the phrase ‘middle age to elderly’ to describe these men.
Some of the patterns we have observed and interpreted are pretty similar. These similarities include our interpretation of the coffee shop as a third place. This could be attributed to our similar experiences as Singaporean heartlanders and undergraduates of Sociology. As we both reside in HDB flats and patronize coffee shops regularly, we share some common experiences as the patrons we had observed, and could relate to their interactions and behaviours within the coffee shop. Moreover, the knowledge and sociological perspectives we share as Sociology undergraduates made it easy to agree that the coffee shop is indeed a third place in Singapore.
As I have overslept on the day of the morning field trip, Phyllis and I had reached a consensus that I would draft the presentation while she would proceed with the last participant observation and type out her observations for that.
I drafted the report while Phyllis focused on collating and slashing the word count for the field notes because we had exceeded by close to 2000 words for our first draft.
Indeed, due to the word limit of the field notes and report, we have to exercise selectivity in making decisions with regards to what to include or omit in our field notes and report. These decisions ultimately boil down to the scale of our research. After reviewing our research question, we have reached a consensus to narrow our research question, and focus on one key question: how do people negotiate the use and space of the coffee shop? In answering this question, we have to explore the uses and the kinds of interactions that occur in the coffee shop. Evidently, the scale of the research is paramount to the information we include in our field notes and report. Thus, I learnt to be highly selective in the information we include and omitted some general patterns and information irrelevant to the primary research question in both the field notes and report.
It would be great if we could improve on the way we split the workload for future assignments. Due to time constraints, we decided that one person would be primarily in charge of the report, while the other focuses on proofreading and reducing the word count for the field notes. It would be ideal if we could work on both tasks concurrently in a more collaborative manner to ensure a more holistic picture. Hence, the key to a better future collaboration would be better time management. We ought to aim to finish the draft perhaps one week in advance so that there would be sufficient time to look through our work and make further amendments as a team.
Memo – Phyllis
Working with Xiu Juan started off quite well as we were both very well aware of the schedule each other such as the deadlines that we both have of other modules. This is because we are friends before deciding to team together and she also took initiative to ask and request for deadlines to be set among both of us in order for our work to be not very rushed or last minute. These informal deadlines that we set and agreed on helped us to achieve our little targets to the ultimate completion of the participant observation project. Importantly, both of us managed to keep to these deadlines and let it not affect other deadlines that we have for other courses. I am most grateful for the fact that despite my first time writing such a long essay with the practical need to visit actual sites of our choice to do participant observation, this assignment did not really cause a very huge burden due to the deadlines we have set on. Having deadlines to meet for other modules around the same period proved not to be demanding because plans were made on the ways to achieve it. Xiu Juan and I both have assignments to submit on Monday of the same wee since for this particular course we are taking it together. It was a chance to stretch and hone my time management skills as well as level of discipline. I learnt that indeed, though we are friends, which may thus suggest that we share some common traits and hobbies, does not necessarily mean that we perceive things the same way and choose to focus on the same things. For example, I totally did not notice the fact that there are a few large banners at the coffee shop with other signage on the pillars around the entire coffee shop. Looking back, definitely I saw them but perhaps subconsciously thought that it is unimportant and so did not include or mention about it at all in my data. Thanks to Xiu Juan that I discover this about myself and did not omit this aspect in our presentation, report and field notes. These signage and its significance were also taught to me as I read her analysis as linked to the sociological concepts that we decided to apply.
Different people have habits and lifestyles and I guess both of us sort of complement each other. For example, I am able to wake up early in the morning and travel from the east to the west to arrive at the coffee shop so as to do non-participant observation for the morning timing. While she may have some difficulties, her visual illustration of the place using coloured graphics on PowerPoint so as to give the class a better idea of the layout of the coffee shop was clear and informative. More importantly, it was an accurate representation. This is however not my strength. We type our inputs and also discussed with each other some interesting observation at the coffee shop while we were there. It was good that some trends identified was obvious for us to link it to sociological terms such as division of labour, especially along gender lines and also to identify patterns of ethnic minorities, if their usage and interactions will differ with the ethnic majority. I would say Xiu Juan was the one who started the skeletons of the different documents to be submitted such as the presentation slides and report with me then editing so as to include my inputs and explanation of some concepts. It was then sent it back to her where she will raise questions, if any then we will both come to an agreement. There were not any major disagreements or compromise to be made for we were both able to convince each other and agree once explanation was provided, for example, as to which observation from our non-participant observation should be used to illustrate more vividly the sociological concepts that we are going to discuss in our report. This is for the sake of coherent and greater level of conviction for the assessor.
One huge problem that seems unable to be resolve till the very end was the field notes document. This is mainly due to the fact that we changed quite last minute the way our data should be presented which actually caused not only confusion for both of us when we are preparing for the final edit but several overlapping information in the same document but different sections. Much time I would say is wasted on deciding what information should be placed at which part since the different sections does not have much differences. We spent time sorting, discussing and deciding. Importantly, though communicating managed to place everything neatly and appropriately, too much unnecessarily time is spent have we have changed to order of the way these data are going to be submitted. Personally, I do not think the first and second manner has much differences. After deleting the overlapping content and reading through repeatedly that it seems fine. I guess we should have really thought about it further whether a change in the manner of the data to be presented require change. This can significantly make us less stressful on the day of submission itself, especially when it is Lunar New Year eve and we want to finish as soon as possible so as to prepare for the New Year and reunion dinner. We also had too much data since both of us had many content to discuss and also faced problems of meeting the word limit. We had to rush to delete around one thousand six hundred words. However, after tidying it and managing to keep the word limit, our report and field notes is so much more concise.
I am confident that with this experience at hand now, we are far more prepared with the next assignment and look forward to it since I believe there are going to be new learning opportunities, insights that is awaiting for us to unfold. This is indeed a great working and learning experience which I will definitely remember after leaving NTU. Especially whenever I pass by the coffee shop. The interviewing assignment will be quite exciting and perhaps fun since sometimes we even thought of what are the possible topics and interviewing is seemingly, hopefully easier as assumptions may be more likely to be significantly cut.
Annexes
Annex 1
Layout of Lai Lai coffee shop. It can be divided into three main sections: a) region right in front of the drinks stall where we are seated; b) section in front of the Western food stall; and c) the tze char (also known as Chinese cuisine) region.
Annex 2
Large yellow banners that serve as a reminder to customers to minimise their volume at night are placed in conspicuous locations. The signs play an important role in the demarcation and negotiation of space in the coffee shop.
Annex 3
Signs in the coffee shop include symbolic yellow paint delineating the smoking zones, and labels with green capitalised word “SMOKING PERMITTED IN THIS AREA”. These signs play an important role in the demarcation and negotiation of space in the coffee shop.
Annex 4
Other signage includes reminders to not feed the birds and that pets are not allowed in the premises. Signage plays an important role in the demarcation and negotiation of space in the coffee shop.
Annex 5
Objects like tissue boxes were placed on the tables on Section C only at night. They marked the unofficial boundaries drawn by stall assistants. The implicit rules associated with the negotiation of space seems to be understood and accepted by patrons as we did not witness anyone who challenged them.
Annex 6
While we were taking photos of the coffee shop, one uncle seated with his four other friends started posing when they saw us taking pictures. They claimed to be regulars of Lai Lai coffee shop as they visit it on a daily basis. Our interactions with these uncles alluded to the presence of the civil society in this third place because the uncles had discussed currents affairs like the decapitation of Kenji Goto during our conversation, and expressed ambivalence towards the government when they initially suspected that we were civil servants.
References: Chan, Ying-Kit. 2013. "Kopitiam s in Singapore: Consuming Politics." Asian Survey53.5: 979-1004. Oldenburg, Ramon, and Dennis Brissett. 1982. "The third place." Qualitative Sociology 5.4: 265-284. Blumer, H. 1969. Symbolic interactionism: Perspective and method. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice-Hall. Chicago (15th ed.).
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