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Each of us is inherently conditioned into a particular way of life by our community and the politics that govern such a society. At any current time, the organization of political principles, such as democracy or distributive justice, has been a predetermined result. We blindly accept that our ancestors were correct and ignore the possibility of objections. Yet, this is a grave mistake, especially considering the fact that our lives and the way society is organized are so intertwined. This means “we cannot avoid thinking of our political practices as alterable, and even (if only in retrospect) as possible objects of choice” (Bird 3). To some, one of the “alterable” political practices of distributive justice, in Socialist Equality of Opportunity (EOP), may seem extreme. The word Socialism has developed into a “meaningless word” that serves as a synonym to tyranny (Orwell 4). Yet, a specific form of socialism, equality of opportunity, has many merits over common, currently practiced systems and should be considered as a legitimate ideal for distributive justice. To realize the aforementioned thesis it is important to first define equality of opportunity. Within the definition, many reasonable objections will surface, but through disputing common theories on distributive justice, it will be relatively simple to recognize the following: EOP is the most rational form of distributive justice given the inherent nature of society, it eliminates a vast number of inherent inequalities, and is the most efficient form of distributive justice if equality of opportunity can be granted. The task then is to adequately define Socialist EOP. This in itself, like defining most distributive justice schemes, is a complex matter. However, it may help to understand the core concept of distributive justice, before moving into what Socialist EOP defines as just. The core idea in distributive justice pertains to the allocation of goods, where goods can mean a variety of topics, including opportunity. Namely, distributive justice deals with analyzing resources that are available and how they have either been distributed in the past or how they are currently distributed. Although this may seem to be a trivial distinction, to understand distributive justice in this way is to understand that the realm of distributable goods is broad (Nozick 150). For example, many arguments will choose to center their claims on property or market economics. The libertarian argument adheres to this aforementioned formula (Nozick 151). However, the uniqueness of Socialist EOP is that it adheres to the inherent broadness of distributive justice by having a scope that covers most of its realm. Some schemes, such as the libertarian system, define justice partially as “equality before the law”(Hayek 85).However, Socialist EOP looks to fix drastic inequalities of opportunity by applying a set of general principles in the form of distributive patterns. This can be compared to the aforementioned libertarian scheme, which leaves a great deal of loopholes and questions that are not addressed; such as when violating “justice in rectification” can be identified or the restriction in choice a free market can impose on unfortunate individuals (Nozick 152). All distributive justice schemes will leave questions left to be answered, but what some would call vagueness in the idea of Socialist EOP, doesn’t, as will be shown, make the scheme less superior. This apparent vagueness or rather the large scope of Socialist EOP, greatly reduces, as will be seen, the problems that may arise in reasoning, by evaluating any situation and applying an appropriate patterned standard (Nozick 155). This “patterned standard”, as referred to by libertarian political theorist Robert Nozick, is a way of looking at the current moment in time and realizing the inequalities among a society follow certain patterns (Nozick 156). These inequalities can be fixed by applying appropriate adjustments. This idea is...
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